Manufacturing consent in Iraq: interference in the post-Saddam media sector

Abstract

The toppling of Saddam Hussein in 2003 saw Iraq's media sector shift from a handful of state-run media outlets that served as propaganda machines, to a vast array of Iraqi-owned newspapers, radio stations and television channels which are being fervently produced and avidly consumed nationally. Not unexpectedly, several problems have accompanied this divergent, ad-hoc and highly volatile mediascape. Although recognizing important factors, including dangers faced by Iraqi journalists, and the dearth of appropriate press laws, this article focuses instead on attempts by certain key foreign and domestic political bodies to manufacture consent in Iraq via their interference in the post-Saddam media sector. These foreign influences are Iran, Saudi Arabia and the United States, each of which funds, controls and manipulates different Iraqi media outlets. Not surprisingly, the United States has been the most active in this respect, utilizing both overt and clandestine propaganda techniques as well as forced closures to control the Iraqi media sector. Unfortunately, measures such as these are not limited to foreign governments: both the Iraqi government and the Kurdish Regional Government have used similar means to control and silence Iraq's nascent public sphere. The article concludes by noting the irony of limited press freedom in Iraq during this crucial phase of its transition from despotism to democracy.

Redefining Press Freedom: A Survey of Iraqi Broadcasters in Political Transition and Conflict

“…Television media outlets wield immense influence over the Iraqi public. The most widely watched television stations are the independent, private-run Al Sharqiya, and the state-run public broadcaster Al Iraqiya, drawing daily viewership of about 16 million (Amos, 2010;Isakhan, 2009). As for television outlets, Al Sharqiya and Al Sumeria are commercial private media, Al Baghdadiya, Al Forat, Al Masar, and Al Afaq are political party-affiliated stations, and Al Iraqiya is a state-owned public TV station.…”

Constructing narratives as a means of legitimizing political power: Contextualizing the propaganda model in Iraq

“…Numerous scholars concur with Herman and Chomsky's assertion that media accounts support dominant perspectives of the political or economic elites because of the government's ability to influence the output of journalists, especially in the run-up to or during times of war (Aday 2010;Boyd-Barrett 2004;Hayes and Guardino 2010;Isakhan 2009). Colin Sparks, however, noted that the propaganda model addresses primarily the US media model with its particular structural elements and placement within a capitalist democracy (Sparks 2007).…”

“…His study concluded that people accessing the mainstream media were not provided alternative views of events or narratives that challenged the policies of the government. Foreign and Iraqi political bodies have also attempted to manufacture consent by manipulating the post-Saddam media sector, including US psychological operations teams covertly planting more than 1000 news articles in twelve to fifteen Iraqi newspapers (Isakhan 2009). …”

Parasitical elitism in a sectarianized political system with a rentier economy: The power and practice of the Iraqi political elite after 2003

“…Within three years, “hundreds of new publications, television stations, and radio channels have emerged in what turned out to be an unparalleled media free‐for‐all involving a broad range of Iraqi and regional media forces” (Al‐Mljawi, 2019, p. 1). The 7,000 former employees of the abolished Ministry of Information played an important role in widening the media sphere (Isakhan, 2009). However, the new media era was shortlived as journalists were increasing pressure to forsake their independence.…”