Made Flesh? Gender and Doctrine in Religious Violence in Twentieth‐Century Spain

Science, Religion and Communism in Cold War Europe

“…While referring to 'other Polish working-class milieus' (besides Łódź, Zagłębie, and Warsaw) that ostensibly resisted de-Christianization, the only citation that Majka offered for this claim was Bigdon's dissertation on Bytom. 25 the fi rst time, was seen as generally vigorous but patchier and more fragile. 27 Nowe Tychy, a large-scale planned community built out from a small preexisting town south of Katowice, provides another example of the diffi culties of presenting those currently migrating to cities and transitioning to industrial work as exemplars of resilient Polish piety.…”

“…As human society studies the laws of nature, it subordinates natural phenomena to its will'. 25 At the same time, millions of Russians, mainly in the countryside, lived in a culture that had not yet instantiated the epistemological distinctions characteristic of the post-Galilean world-between man and nature, between the natural and supernatural orders, between a natural realm governed by physical laws of cause and effect and a metaphysical realm of the spiritual. There was thus an urgent need for a crash programme to disseminate knowledge of science and technology.…”

“…24 Other, more recent examples of resilient religiosity in industrial milieus, such as Nowa Huta (a steelmaking center established in the late 1940s in the outskirts of Kraków) or Gdańsk (largely repopulated after the war following the departure of the German-speaking population), were suggested over the next decade. 25 But these cases simply were not as convincing. Since they involved recent migrants, mostly from devout rural areas and involved in industrial labor for the fi rst time, early signs of robust practice could plausibly be explained as residual habits destined to erode over subsequent decades.…”

“…22 fi t the patterns defi ned by attitude theory. 25 At the same time, however, she cautioned that 'the child is not born religious' and that there was nothing inevitable about the presence of religion in the world: The specifi c attitude of religiosity was, like all others, derived from and shaped by social experiences and norms, and Bahtijarević therefore balked at Allport's suggestion that religion had, as she put it, 'functional autonomy … in the sense of original and independent motivation forces and separate needs'. 26 Notably, such a perspective held open the idea that religion could disappear, even as Bahtijarević, like so many of her Yugoslav colleagues, dispensed with doctrinally driven assumptions that it must disappear in socialist society (or even that it would disappear anytime soon).…”

“…Indeed, some leading works were remarkable for the extent to which they disre- 25 garded concerns about origins and went straight for questions of social functions. 28 Roter's later empirical studies in Slovenia, for example, like his conceptualizations of the sociology of religion more generally, often showed rather little interest in the etiology of religiosity and a far greater concern for its operational dynamics and consequences.…”