2005
DOI: 10.1525/msem.2005.21.2.277
|View full text |Cite
|
Sign up to set email alerts
|

Macehuales and the Corporate Solution: Colonial Secessions in Nahua Central Mexico

Abstract: JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org..

Help me understand this report

Search citation statements

Order By: Relevance

Paper Sections

Select...
2
1
1
1

Citation Types

0
6
0
1

Year Published

2007
2007
2015
2015

Publication Types

Select...
5

Relationship

1
4

Authors

Journals

citations
Cited by 6 publications
(7 citation statements)
references
References 50 publications
0
6
0
1
Order By: Relevance
“…For example. Doña Francisca de la Cruz controlled 1,610 macehualli households (see Perkins 2007, Table 1). If we as.sume that each hou.sehold worked 0.17 hectares for her and produced an average 750 kilos of maize per hectare, the to-11.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
See 2 more Smart Citations
“…For example. Doña Francisca de la Cruz controlled 1,610 macehualli households (see Perkins 2007, Table 1). If we as.sume that each hou.sehold worked 0.17 hectares for her and produced an average 750 kilos of maize per hectare, the to-11.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Research on early colonial historical sources has shown that these polities, also referred to as the tlahtocayo, were the core institutions of communities in south and central Puebla (Chance 1996(Chance , 2000Martinez 1984b;Olivera 1973Olivera , 1978Perkins 2005;Reyes 1988a). Tbey played a crucial role in the economy and were the principal means for the nobles to access lands and human resources.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
See 1 more Smart Citation
“…The severe economic problems that have confronted Mexico since the late 1960s have pushed increasing numbers of individuals northward to the United States in search of the work and security unavailable to them in Mexico (Macias :293). Furthermore, processes of privatization, including the loss of indigenous land rights, have been undermining the relationship between indigenous populations and their territories (Velasco Ortiz :34–35; Pastor :262; Perkins ), and have been particularly harmful to community integrity for Mixtecos as well as other Oaxacan indigenous groups. The end result is that immigration is often the only way Mixtec communities can survive economically (Velasco Ortiz :35).…”
Section: Cultural Traditions and Ethnic Identity Under Transnationalismmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…They call attention to ‘interstitial agrarian sectors’ (including non‐indigenous smallholders) and to the modes of colonial governance in which the indigenous aristocracy continued to play an important, but not uncontested, role (Alexander 2003). A study by Perkins (2005), on the Puebla region, suggests that the latter power position was only undermined during the late colonial era, and that it was related to the emergence of new ‘corporate communities’ without pre‐Hispanic precedent. In contrast with Wolf's original thesis he asserts that the development of corporate communities was ‘associated with eighteenth‐century indigenous population growth, not decline, and commercial expansion, not depression’ (Perkins 2005, 301).…”
Section: Colonial Vicissitudesmentioning
confidence: 99%