2015
DOI: 10.1080/09668136.2014.1001576
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Lost in Transition? The Geography of Protests and Attitude Change in Russia

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Cited by 22 publications
(8 citation statements)
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“…The focus groups were transcribed and coded with Maxqda to structure the material and assist in the interpretation. Combining focus group and quantitative analyses remains rare, although promising to understand protest (Dmitriev 2015).…”
Section: Data and Methods Of Analysismentioning
confidence: 99%
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“…The focus groups were transcribed and coded with Maxqda to structure the material and assist in the interpretation. Combining focus group and quantitative analyses remains rare, although promising to understand protest (Dmitriev 2015).…”
Section: Data and Methods Of Analysismentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Nikolayenko, for instance, shows the centrality of patriotism during the 2014 marches against the military intervention in Donbas (2019). Tellingly, the Moscow middle class has been characterised as embodying a weak demand for democracy combined with a reluctance to participate in mass actions (Dmitriev 2015). This silent majority, the attitudes of the broader population, influences how the regime can respond to protests, since public opinion matters to authoritarian regimes, which adopt certain policies in response to attitudes among citizens (Chen and Xu 2017, Greene and Robertson 2019, Truex 2016.…”
Section: The Russian Regime and The Importance Of Protestsmentioning
confidence: 99%
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“…The mid-2000s witnessed an increase of protest activity. Protesters' demands increasingly engaged with human rights and democratic values rhetoric (Dmitriev 2015). Similarly, as Alexander Kondakov's findings (2013) show, LGBT activists started employing human rights rhetoric in their work, while previously they were mostly concerned with the search for shared identity and community, as will be discussed later in more detail.…”
Section: Protest Activity In Russiamentioning
confidence: 98%
“…40 And yet the narrative put forth both by supporters and critics, of the protests being supported by the educated urban middle class and opposed by Russian workers in the provinces, is overly simplistic. First, protest data and survey and focus group evidence suggests that people in the Russia's heartland are also dissatisfied with Russia's direction, though their concerns tend to be more economic than the abstract demands put forth by the Moscow protesters 41 Second and relatedly, while the 2011-2012 protest wave crested fairly quickly, attention has since shifted to the state of the Russian economy, with economic concerns again becoming paramount, suggesting a more complex pattern than the linear progression of a middle class with increasing demands for political liberty.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%