Local Operations Deriving Long-Distance Relations: Object Agreement in Hungarian and the Genitive of Negation in Polish

Ruda, Marta

doi:10.1007/978-3-319-90710-9_9

Cited by 2 publications

(3 citation statements)

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“…First, Witkoś (1998) shows that the embedded constituent must be larger than VP because it could also include NegP: At this stage several options present themselves. One alternative, ultimately adopted independently in Błaszczak (2001), Witkoś (2008), and Ruda (2018), is to assume that the phase must be extended to accommodate (11):…”

Section: The Long Distance Gon and The Derivational Phasementioning

confidence: 99%

“…An alternative view of the LDGoN was recently presented in Ruda (2018), where what Witkoś (1998Witkoś ( , 2008 and Błaszczak (2001Błaszczak ( , 2008 take as a long distance relation holding between matrix NEG and the embedded verb plus the nominal object, is presented as a sequence of local Agree relations (a type of chain Agree) where every subjacent head bears feature [NEG]. Ruda analyses an example from Agree, Move and the scope of the phase impenetrability condition Przepiórkowski (2000: 5) where the nominal object is multiply embedded in infinitival structures and presents a representation analogous to ( 36 The head introducing [polarity: negation] (Σ) bears a valued interpretable [neg] feature and every subjacent head bears an unvalued instance of the same feature.…”

Section: J Witkośmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…By no means is this the only merit of the analysis inRuda (2018). E.g., this analysis, unlike many others, can account for an intriguing pattern showing with contrastive ellipsis: (i) Anna często kupuje truskawki, ale nigdy nie jagody/*jagód.Anna often buys strawberriesACC but never not blueberriesACC/*GEN 'Anna often buys strawberries but never blueberries.'…”

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Agree, Move and the Scope of the Phase Impenetrability Condition

Witkoś

2021

Studia Anglica Posnaniensia

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This paper addresses a certain contradiction in the application of the Phase Impenetrability Condition (PIC) to domains involving the long-distance Genitive of Negation (GoN) and wh-movement in Polish. It appears that in syntactic domains of the tensed sentence including an infinitive complement, there is a tension between a long-distance dependency (holding between NEG in the main clause and the embedded object in genitive) and a cyclic operation of wh-movement. The operation of wh-movement, a classic example of Chomsky’s Move, observes cyclicity and the PIC, judging by the standard tests based on reconstruction (Chomsky 1995; Heycock 1995; Fox 1999; Safir 1999; Legate 2003; Witkoś 2003; Lebeaux 2009), while the Agree-based case marking requires the PIC to be inoperative in exactly the same context and in the same domain. Both operations place contradictory requirements on the PIC, which implies that this condition does not apply to them in the same manner: it always holds of Move but does not always hold of Agree.

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Section: The Long Distance Gon and The Derivational Phasementioning

confidence: 99%

Section: J Witkośmentioning

confidence: 99%

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