Local Governance in Malawi – sighs and sobs in District Councils?

Abstract

The local government policy and institutional framework in the advent of multiparty democracy signalled Malawi"s commitment towards consolidation of local democracy through District Councils also called local government authorities. However, the fifteen year absence of Councillors and changes in policy direction raises questions regarding the commitment as well as the role of District Councils and its Councillors. This paper which is based on documentary research and supplemented by interviews conducted with senior local authority officials and selected members of the public analyses the major developments and factors that have a bearing on the performance of District Councils in the multiparty dispensation. The central argument is that enhancement of local governance largely depends on multi-dimensional strategies that will be effected particularly capacity building and financial support backed by political will to address challenges facing District Councils.

(How) Do Voters Discriminate Against Women Candidates? Experimental and Qualitative Evidence From Malawi

“…By law, Malawian local councils hold considerable authority: They are responsible for enforcing national legislation locally, soliciting national funds for local economic development projects, and overseeing the provision of essential public services such as education and health (Chasukwa, Chiweza, & Chikapa-Jamali, 2014). In practice, their authority is somewhat limited by incomplete fiscal decentralization (Chiweza, 2016b) and by more powerful actors—especially members of parliament, appointed district commissioners, and traditional authorities—who view local councilors as real or potential competitors (Chinsinga, 2008; Chiweza, 2016b; Hussein, 2017). Yet, although de facto authority may vary depending on particular power-sharing tensions in each district, most councilors have at least some ability to fulfill their mandate.…”

“…7 For more information on the 50-50 Campaign, see Appendix J, which reports on a priming experiment that framed this campaign in different ways. 8 Most scholars attribute the resistance to decentralization as politically motivated, as the ruling party and members of parliament did not want to cede political power to local governments (Aalen & Muriaas, 2018;Chasukwa & Chiweza, 2013;Hussein, 2017). the other hand, discrimination against women candidates may be more intense at the local level.…”

“… 8. Most scholars attribute the resistance to decentralization as politically motivated, as the ruling party and MPs did not want to cede political power to local governments (Aalen & Muriaas, 2018; Chasukwa & Chiweza, 2013; Hussein, 2017). …”

A Vexing Relationship Between Chiefship and Girls’ Sexuality: Insights From Rural Malawi

“…The principal headmen came to be known as native authorities, and a hierarchical line of traditional authority was established to include the lowest organization of the village. Through these enhanced mechanisms, chiefs could now make rules for areas under their jurisdiction, establish a native treasury for financial administration, impose levies and fees to facilitate local development and provision of services to the community, arbitrate cases and allocate gardens and pasturage [12,14,15]. Thus, the colonial state legitimized chiefly powers, making chiefs the most powerful individuals at the local level.…”