Local determinants of radical right-wing voting: The case of the Norwegian progress party

Kestilä, Elina; Söderlund, Peter

doi:10.1080/01402380701276394

Cited by 21 publications

(23 citation statements)

References 52 publications

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“…It stands to reason that citizens rely on these local conditions, which have a massive impact on their everyday lives, to evaluate politicians, parties and policies at the national level. This approach has been fruitfully employed at the national level (Kestilä and Söderlund, 2007a;. Comparative studies, however, have been hampered by vastly different subnational divisions and a lack of comparable micro-and macro-data.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Electoral Sociology – Who Votes for the Extreme Right and Why – and When ?

Arzheimer¹

2011

The Extreme Right in Europe

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This chapter profiles the social base of electoral support for the parties of the Extreme Right 1 in Western Europe, i.e. the question of whether some groups in society are more susceptible to the appeal of these parties than others. This issue is relevant for a number of reasons: First, by looking at the social composition of European societies we might be able to better understand why parties of the Extreme Right are more successful in some countries than in others. Second, a careful analysis of the link between the social and the political might help us to gauge the potential for future right-wing mobilisation in countries which currently have no electorally successful parties of the Extreme Right. Third, knowing who votes for a party might help us to get a clearer understanding of the underlying motives to cast a vote for the Extreme Right. Over the last 15 years or so, analyses of the Extreme Right's electorate(s) have become a minor industry within the larger context of (comparative) Political Sociology. By necessity, this chapter aims at summarising the main findings from this research program, but cannot strive for a comprehensive presentation of all that has been achieved during these years. More specifically, findings from national and small-n studies are (almost) completely ignored. Much by the same token, I will not delve into the fascinating literature on the social bases of the

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Electoral Sociology – Who Votes for the Extreme Right and Why – and When ?

Arzheimer¹

2011

The Extreme Right in Europe

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“…Including local observations for a closer examination from a single country helps to avoid ideological and programmatic idiosyncrasies between radical‐right wing parties in different countries and keep institutional factors constant (Kestilä & Söderlund 2007). Contradictory contextual determinants of LMC also result from the local idiosyncrasies of cross‐national studies, which ignore the national institutional arrangements and the history of each radical right party (Mudde 2007).…”

Section: Data and Research Designmentioning

confidence: 99%

Local labour market competition and radical right voting: Evidence from France

Bolet

2020

European J Political Res

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How do the economic effects of immigration affect radical right support? The evidence in support of the labour market competition theory-which posits that the economic threat posed by immigration to jobs and wages leads to radical right voting-has been mixed. On the one hand, individual-level surveys underreport economic drivers because of social desirability bias. On the other hand, contextual studies show contradictory findings due to an over-reliance on units of analysis that are too aggregated to meaningfully capture the competitive threat posed by immigrants. This paper identifies the influence of labour market competition on radical right voting at a local level in contexts where native workers are directly affected by the arrival of immigrants who have similar or higher skillsets. Using an original longitudinal dataset of fine-grained municipal electoral, demographic and economic data from France over the 2002-2017 period, the paper provides empirical evidence of local contextual influences of economic competition between natives and immigrants of any skillset. Under local conditions of material deprivation, measured by the local unemployment rate, the effect of labour market competition on municipalities' radical right vote share is amplified. Moreover, higher radical right support is observed in municipalities with a higher share of any one of the following groups: low-skilled natives, medium-skilled immigrants or high-skilled immigrants. This supports the hypothesis that immigrants with higher qualifications are compelled to accept lower-skilled jobs, and are thus perceived as a competitive threat to low-skilled natives. By reconciling radical right contextual studies and research on the political economy of immigration policies, this paper highlights the importance of a local analysis in detecting the effect of labour market competition on radical right support. This paper also explains why some local areas are more prone to radical right support than others over time.

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“…Despite this, Nordic populist parties are voicing their support for a vision where access to welfare is based on ethnic belonging and national borders. The Danish People's Party ( Dansk Folkeparti ) and the Norwegian Progress Party ( Framstegspartiet ) both support welfare discourses that aim to protect the welfare state from the drain of immigration (Rydgren : 486; Kestilä and Söderlund ). We have decided to focus on Finland and Sweden because they demonstrate the most variance within the Nordic cluster across two critical dimensions.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Nationalist Reframing of theFinnish andSwedish Welfare States – The Nexus of Nationalism and Social Policy in Far‐right Populist Parties

Nordensvärd

Ketola

2014

Soc Policy Adm

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Although Sweden and Finland largely share a common welfare nation state discourse, the article also points to important differences in the way this discourse is able to frame the welfare nation state where access to and the design of social services are no longer universal and egalitarian but based around ethnicity. The article aims to demonstrate this through an analysis of the welfare discourses of two populist parties: the Sweden Democrats and the True Finns.

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Local determinants of radical right-wing voting: The case of the Norwegian progress party

Cited by 21 publications

References 52 publications

Electoral Sociology – Who Votes for the Extreme Right and Why – and When ?

Electoral Sociology – Who Votes for the Extreme Right and Why – and When ?

Local labour market competition and radical right voting: Evidence from France

Nationalist Reframing of theFinnish andSwedish Welfare States – The Nexus of Nationalism and Social Policy in Far‐right Populist Parties

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