Llamas on the Land: Production and Consumption of Meat at Chavín de Huántar, Peru

Abstract

Chavín de Huántar is a Formative-period site (broadly 1500–200 B.C.) in the Peruvian Andes known for its highly complex art and monumental architecture. Recent excavations in the La Banda sector uncovered domestic settlements. The zooarchaeological analysis demonstrates that meat was locally produced and many bone tools were manufactured in this sector. These results contrast with previous faunal analysis from other parts of the site in which it was argued that dry camelid meat on the bone (ch’arki) was traded in exchange for local crops. The local economy of Chavín de Huántar was complex, showing different economic strategies across the site. While there is abundant evidence for the trade of lightweight exotic goods at the site (seashells, marine bone, obsidian, and cinnabar), the subsistence economy was locally focused.

Interregional Obsidian Exchange During the Late Initial Period and Early Horizon: New Perspectives From Campanayuq Rumi, Peru

“…It is also plausible that obsidian flakes were used as tools for shearing camelids in the production of wool textiles. The increase in obsidian at Chavín de Huántar correlates with an intensification in the use of domestic camelids, especially llamas, which were valued for human consumption, transport, and wool production (Miller and Burger 1995; Rosenfeld and Sayre 2016). Ethnographic accounts suggest that obsidian would have been suitable for wool-processing activities.…”

Social complexity and core-periphery relationships in an Andean Formative ceremonial centre: domestic occupation at Chavín de Huántar

“…Analysis has yet to establish what proportions of animals were consumed, but it was probably dominated by camelids, given the high incidence of camelid consumption previously reported at Chavín de Huántar (e.g. Miller & Burger 1995; Rosenfeld & Sayre 2016).…”

“…Burger's (1992: 159) statement, quoted above, that people responsible for religious activities and for the construction and maintenance of buildings may have lived in the Wacheqsa sector, requires consideration. If people of authority lived in the Wacheqsa sector during the Middle Formative, one would expect the presence of elaborate architecture, high-quality ceramics, and prestige items, as at La Banda on the opposite bank of the river Mosna, facing the monumental centre, where Late Formative luxury and exotic items are frequent (Sayre 2010; Rosenfeld & Sayre 2016; Sayre et al . 2016).…”

“…The nature of the activities carried out in these areas varied according to their location and proximity to the ceremonial centre. The contexts identified at La Banda, on the east bank of the river Mosna, for example, are primarily domestic, but with a ceremonial imprint (Sayre 2010; Rosenfeld & Sayre 2016; Sayre et al . 2016), while those identified in the West Field have mostly ceremonial components (Contreras 2017) (for locations, see Figure 1b).…”

Understanding the Socioeconomic Trajectory of Chavín de Huántar: A New Radiocarbon Sequence and Its Wider Implications

“…If the Urabarriu Phase is the earliest occupation at Chavín de Huántar, excluding consideration of an unrelated preceramic occupation (Rick 2008), the establishment of the site can be estimated to be approximately 950 cal BC. Despite this, publications by members of the Stanford Project have consistently stated that the Chavín de Huántar temple was founded no later than 1200 cal BC (e.g., Contreras and Keefer 2004; Rick 2006; Rick et al 2010) and perhaps as early as 1500 cal BC (Lumbreras 2013; Rick 2005; Rosenfeld and Sayre 2016). In one chart (Rick 2005), the Separate Mound State is shown as dating to 1500–1200 BC, whereas the Expansion Stage and the Consolidation Stage appear to fall between 1200–1000 BC.…”