Lexical splits within periphrasis: mixed perfective auxiliation systems in Italo-Romance

Štichauer, Pavel

doi:10.1007/s11525-017-9313-z

Cited by 3 publications

(5 citation statements)

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“…Loporcaro 2011, Vincent 2011, Maiden 2018. I show that some of the attested splits within periphrasis (Corbett 2016;Štichauer 2018) argue in favour of analysing the periphrastic section of the paradigm as a set of cells with differential behaviour.…”

Section: Figure 1 Areas Mentioned In This Papermentioning

confidence: 89%

“…Interestingly, the splits within periphrasis are of a different type from those already described in the literature. Whereas in various Italo-Romance dialects (but also Gallo-Romance) these splits are created by mixed auxiliation patterns (Štichauer 2018;Bach & Štichauer 2019a, b), in those varieties where there is a split here it is an alternation between two different, suppletive forms of the past participle within the lexeme 'be'. Figure 3 shows the geographical distribution of these varieties.…”

Section: Have Into Bementioning

confidence: 99%

“…This has implications that have not always been implemented fully: each cell should be considered as independent yet related, just as in any paradigm. Splits in auxiliation have been shown to operate on restricted sets of cells within periphrasis, making it important to distinguish the cells and not to treat the periphrases as unitary (Corbett 2016;Štichauer 2018).…”

Section: Lexical Splits Within Periphrasis and How Periphrasis Is Inc...mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Highly grammaticalized periphrases, such as the Romance system of periphrastic perfective tenses, have been shown to belong to the inflectional paradigm of a lexeme, even though they are made of two grammatical words: the periphrasis occupies a cell in a featurally defined paradigm (see e.g. Ackerman & Webelhuth 1998;Ackerman & Stump 2001;Sadler & Spencer 2001;Brown et al 2012;Bonami 2015;Spencer & Popova 2015;Štichauer 2018). Auxiliary alternations have been shown to be modelled easily as inflectional classes, in French for example (Bonami 2015;Bach 2018), but also in Italian dialects (Bach & Štichauer 2022).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Lexical splits within periphrastic overlapping suppletionThese eight varieties present a phenomenon that had not been described: a lexical split within periphrasis made as suppletive alternations on the lexical part of the construction, the past participle. Lexical splits within periphrasis have already been explored, in particular with respect to patterns of auxiliary alternation according to person/number within the past perfective(Corbett 2016;Štichauer 2018;Bach & Štichauer 2022). Note that patterns of split can cumulate, such as in variety 21 Mouchard, where two suppletive participles for 'be' co-alternate with the use of two different auxiliaries: ALF521 [ɛt evy], ALF 522 [noz ɑ ̃ ete].…”

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confidence: 99%

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Overlapping suppletion and periphrasis: On HAVE, BE, and GO in Gallo-Romance

Bach¹

2022

Word Structure

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Overlapping suppletion, where two or more lexemes share identical forms taken from one of them, interacts in surprising ways with periphrasis. Based on evidence from dialectal data from Gallo-Romance varieties, the paper aims to study the interaction between the two. The first four sections describe the patterns of overlapping suppletion found to occur between the verbs ‘be’, ‘have’ and ‘go’ in Gallo-Romance varieties. Some theoretical conclusions are drawn, which show that incursion is directional for good historical reasons, on which semantics plays an important role, in particular paradigmatically local synonymy (see Maiden 2014 ). By examining periphrastic forms, a distinction can be made between overlapping suppletion that only targets the stem, that which only targets a wordform (participle), and that which targets the whole inflectional cell. All three situations are shown to be possible. A number of splits within periphrasis in these varieties call for considering periphrastic tenses as part of the paradigm in their whole extensions, not only as far as their lexical part (here the participle) is concerned.

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Section: Figure 1 Areas Mentioned In This Papermentioning

confidence: 89%

Section: Have Into Bementioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Lexical Splits Within Periphrasis and How Periphrasis Is Inc...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Overlapping suppletion and periphrasis: On HAVE, BE, and GO in Gallo-Romance

Bach¹

2022

Word Structure

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L’alternance avoir~s’être en français : une approche supplétive

Aguila-Multner

2024

SHS Web of Conf.

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Le changement de l’auxiliaire de avoir en être à la forme réfléchie s’est souvent analysé comme un problème de syntaxe, par exemple en le rapprochant du cas des passifs et des « inaccusatifs ». D’autres approches plus récentes, s’inscrivant dans la théorie de la périphrase, proposent de traiter les alternances d’auxiliaire perfectif comme un problème de classification flexionnelle, et donc de morphologie (cf. Bonami, 2015). Dans cet article, je montre que si l’approche morphologique périphrastique s’accommode facilement de l’alternance avoir~être dans le cas général, le cas des formes réfléchies s’analyse en fait mieux comme un problème de morphologie synthétique. Je formule une approche supplétive à cette alternance, motivée par des considérations empiriques impliquant la surcomposition, la supplétion d’être dans la conjugaison d’aller, l’accord du participe et la défectivité du paradigme d’avoir.

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Mixed paradigms in Italo-Romance

Štichauer

2019

Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today

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In this paper, I offer a morphological account of the mixed paradigms in Italo-Romance, i.e. the cases where there is, in compound tenses, auxiliary alternation between ESSE and HABERE (henceforth E/H) within one and the same (sub)paradigm. I intend to show that in such paradigms auxiliary selection traditionally following the split intransitivity criterion, becomes morphologized. Consequently, the intraparadigmatic auxiliary alternations attested in a wide range of Italo-Romance varieties (cf. Loporcaro 2001; 2007; 2014; Manzini & Savoia 2005, among others) can follow various morphological patterns, ranging from morphosyntactically coherent (motivated) to those which do not seem to form a natural class (i.e., those traditionally termed 'morphomic'). I take the intraparadigmatic auxiliary alternation as a phenomenon which induces a split within periphrasis (cf. Corbett 2013; 2015a; 2015b), assuming, at the same time, the perfective auxiliary constructions to be clear instances of inflectional periphrasis (along the lines of Ackerman & Stump 2004; Brown et al. 2012). Such an assumption leads to the question recently put forward by Vincent (2011: 434)-"if periphrases can become part of a paradigm, can they exhibit the distributional behaviour associated with autonomous morphomes?-and follows also some of the recent attempts to deal with the periphrasis in morphomic terms (cf. Cruschina 2013; Ledgeway forthcoming). As is well known, in standard Romance languages, compound tenses can exhibit one generalized auxiliary or they can present auxiliary selection on the basis of the active/stative split. However, this clear-cut situation where, on the one hand, one perfective auxiliary is generalized, and, on the other hand, auxiliary selection follows the split intransitivity criterion, is far from being the only pattern of alternation attested in the Romance languages (

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Lexical splits within periphrasis: mixed perfective auxiliation systems in Italo-Romance

Cited by 3 publications

References 26 publications

Overlapping suppletion and periphrasis: On HAVE, BE, and GO in Gallo-Romance

Overlapping suppletion and periphrasis: On HAVE, BE, and GO in Gallo-Romance

L’alternance avoir~s’être en français : une approche supplétive

Mixed paradigms in Italo-Romance

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