Level ordering and opacity in Tetsǫ́t’ıné: a Stratal OT account

Jaker, Alessandro; Kiparsky, Paul

doi:10.1017/s0952675720000299

Cited by 9 publications

(16 citation statements)

References 39 publications

(43 reference statements)

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“…Many recent advances in phonological theory have proposed purely representational approaches to process morphology (e.g. Bermúdez-Otero 2012, Trommer & Zimmermann 2014, Zimmermann 2018, 2019, Jaker & Kiparsky 2020). At the same time, another current has argued for capturing morphological processes as such, often retaining simpler underlying representations and eschewing some of the abstraction seen in the other theories (e.g.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Representational approaches attribute morpheme-specific phonological processes to differences in the underlying symbolic representations of these morphemes. Prominent representational tools include featural underspecification, autosegmental and metrical representations (Goldsmith 1976, Hayes 1995, Jaker & Kiparsky 2020), segmentally empty prosodic nodes (Samek-Lodovici 1994, Saba Kirchner 2010, Bermúdez-Otero 2012, van Oostendorp 2012, Trommer & Zimmermann 2014) and gradient symbolic representations (Rosen 2016, Smolensky & Goldrick 2016, Zimmermann 2018, 2019, Kushnir 2019).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…I argue that while non-representational approaches such as Cophonology Theory can handle the facts of A'ingae stress deletion straightforwardly, strictly representational approaches (e.g. Trommer & Zimmermann 2014, Smolensky & Goldrick 2016, Kushnir 2019, Jaker & Kiparsky 2020) lack the expressive power necessary to capture the A'ingae facts without abandoning foundational assumptions about the properties of metrical structure (Hayes 1995).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Dominance is non-representational: evidence from A'ingae verbal stress

Dąbkowski

2021

Phonology

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A'ingae (or Cofán) is a language isolate spoken in the Ecuadorian and Colombian Amazon. This study presents a description and analysis of the language's morphologically conditioned verbal stress assignment. Specifically, I show that A'ingae verbal morphemes can be classified with two binary parameters: the presence or absence of prestressing and the presence or absence of stress deletion (i.e. dominance), which vary independently. I formalise my analysis in Cophonology Theory, a non-representational theory of the phonology–morphology interface, which captures morpheme-specific phonology with constraint rankings particularised to morphological constructions. I argue that while non-representational approaches such as Cophonology Theory can handle the facts of A'ingae stress deletion straightforwardly, representational approaches lack the expressive power necessary to capture the stress facts of the language.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Dominance is non-representational: evidence from A'ingae verbal stress

Dąbkowski

2021

Phonology

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“…All other morpheme boundaries are marked with a dash (-). 7 These consonants do not seem to constitute a natural class, with the exception of /T/ and /ñ/, which share the feature [distributed] and exhibit similar morphophonemic behaviour (Jaker and Kiparsky 2020). vowel results.…”

Section: Consonants and Morphological Levelsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Another factor, however, is what type of prefix precedes the deleted consonant. It is well established that Dene languages exhibit layered or level-ordered morphology (Rice 1982(Rice , 1989Hargus 1988;Jaker 2012;Jaker and Kiparsky 2020). This assumes a model of the phonology-morphology interface in which prefixes are added, phonological rules apply, more prefixes are added, and more phonological rules apply, etc.…”

Section: Consonants and Morphological Levelsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Tets´ǫt’ıné prefix vowel length: Evidence for systematic underspecification

Jaker

2022

Nat Lang Linguist Theory

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Tetsó ˛t'ıné is a dialect of Dëne Su ˛łıné (ISO: CHP) spoken in Canada's Northwest Territories. The verb system of Tetsó ˛t'ıné has only recently been described (Jaker and Cardinal 2020); this paper is the first to propose an analysis of the distribution of long and short vowels in Tetsó ˛t'ıné prefixes. In Tetsó ˛t'ıné, all long vowels in prefixes are derived from intervocalic consonant deletion, although not all cases of intervocalic consonant deletion result in a long vowel. Whether or not deletion of an intervocalic consonant results in a long or short vowel depends on a combination of two factors: the consonant that was deleted, and the morphological level to which the preceding prefix belongs. In this paper, I propose that the basic generalization about prefix vowel length can be stated in terms of SYSTEMATIC UNDERSPECIFICATION (Kiparsky 1993). I claim that prefix vowels, unlike stem vowels, have zero moras underlyingly, and only acquire a mora after passing through at least one level of the phonology. This analysis predicts that prefix vowel length ought to be subject to a Derived Environment Effect (DEE), for which there is indeed evidence. The pattern of mora insertion in Tetsó ˛t'ıné prefix vowels is thus an example of the interleaving of phonology and morphology, and illustrates how phonological behaviour can be to some extent predicted based on morphological structure.

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Two grammars of A’ingae glottalization: A case for Cophonologies by Phase

Dąbkowski

2023

Nat Lang Linguist Theory

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This paper describes and analyzes phonological processes pertinent to the glottal stop in A’ingae (or Cofán, iso 639-3: ). The operations which the glottal stops undergo and trigger reveal an interaction of two morphophonological parameters: stratum and stress dominance. First, verbal suffixes are organized in two morphophonological domains, or strata. Within the inner domain, glottal stops affect stress placement, which I analyze as an interaction with foot structure. In the outer domain, glottal stops do not have any effects on stress. Second, some verbal suffixes delete stress (i. e. they are dominant). Dominance is unpredictable and independent of the suffix’s morphophonological domain, but dominance and the phonological domain interact in a non-trivial way: only inner dominant suffixes delete glottalization. To account for the A’ingae data, I adopt Cophonologies by Phase (Sande et al. 2020), which (i) models phonological stratification while (ii) allowing for morpheme-specific phonological idiosyncrasies, which (iii) interact with the phonological grammar of their stratum. Stress deletion triggered by the dominant suffixes is modeled with AntiFaithfulness (Alderete 1999, 2001). Antifaithfulness to a metrical foot entails antifaithfulness to its features (glottalization). This captures the fact that only the inner dominant suffixes delete glottal stops.

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Level ordering and opacity in Tetsǫ́t’ıné: a Stratal OT account

Cited by 9 publications

References 39 publications

Dominance is non-representational: evidence from A'ingae verbal stress

Dominance is non-representational: evidence from A'ingae verbal stress

Tets´ǫt’ıné prefix vowel length: Evidence for systematic underspecification

Two grammars of A’ingae glottalization: A case for Cophonologies by Phase

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