Lessening the Risk of Refugee Radicalization: Lessons for the Middle East from Past Crises

Sude, Barbara; Stebbins, David; Weilant, Sarah

doi:10.7249/pe166

Cited by 11 publications

(10 citation statements)

References 9 publications

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“…Despite the fact that refugees present a low threat to national security, the radicalization of refugee settlements by jihadist and terrorist groups particularly in in Lebanon is more evident now than ever before and indicate the vulnerability nature of such an at-risk population and the real endangerments of extremist infiltration, recruitment, and radicalization of some subset of this population., and this radicalization cannot be mitigated solely through humanitarian response, it requires collaboration across organizations and fields of expertise (Sude et al, 2015). Interventions should also be made political by reconceiving international refugee protection as a problem of international security to prevent the Syrian refugee crisis and other similar crises from becoming violent.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…These cases have led to the discernment that radicalized refugees could become peace wreckers (Chikhi, 2015). Some of these cases include Palestinian refugees and the Palestinian Liberation Organisation, Afghan refugees in Pakistan, Hutu refugees in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Somalis in Kenya, Burmese Muslims in Bangladesh, or Eritreans in Sudan (Sude et al, 2015). Research finds that "refugees are not merely a passive, dependent group but can be actor-subjects, with a political leadership structure and armed sections engaged in warfare…" (Haider, 2014).…”

Section: Security Concerns and Radicalized Refugeesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…According to the RAND Corporation study radicalization is "the process of committing to political or religious ideologies that espouse change through violence," and that radicalization among refugees are caused by many factors, notwithstanding individual beliefs and inclinations. RAND identified six common factors present in the historical "worst cases" of refugee radicalization: 1) host country's administrative, legal policies; 2) political and militant organizing; 3) security; 4) shelter; 5) local economic conditions and resilience; and 6) conditions for youth (Sude et al, 2015).…”

Section: Security Concerns and Radicalized Refugeesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The RAND report referred to the radicalization of the Palestinian refugees especially in Lebanon between 1967 and 1993 stating that "radicalized groups gain control of camps in Lebanon; conduct crossborder attacks." (Sude et al, 2015).…”

Section: Security Concerns and Radicalized Refugeesmentioning

confidence: 99%

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State Security and Refugees: Operationalizing the “Ladder of Options” by the Government of Lebanon

Hourani¹

2018

MEJRS

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This article attempts to contribute to the debate around the study of refugees and the security implications involving "refugee militants/terrorists." It situates the debate within the context of Syrian refugees who have been radicalized or have voluntarily or involuntarily joined militant groups and Lebanon' s subsequent response policy as a host country. It tries to identify the various measures employed by the Government of Lebanon through the operationalization of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees "Ladder of Options" in managing security related issues involving Syrian refugees-turned-terrorists. It intends to (i) raise awareness of the impact of terrorism on host countries and their dilemmas in reconciling refugee rights and counterterrorism for security reasons; and (ii) illustrate specific policies and interventions made by Lebanon in this regard; and (iii) call for further studies on the subject in Middle Eastern countries grappling with internal political challenges at the same time as they are experiencing the huge burden of many refugees. The research suggests that Lebanon needs to address the issue of radicalization in a more comprehensive manner and that scholars need to reexamine the "Ladder of Options" in light of Levantine host States' experiences and to develop a ladder of options framework for combating terrorism in post-emergency refugee settlements to safeguard State sovereignty, international security and refugee protection.

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Security Concerns and Radicalized Refugeesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Security Concerns and Radicalized Refugeesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Security Concerns and Radicalized Refugeesmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 2 more Smart Citations

State Security and Refugees: Operationalizing the “Ladder of Options” by the Government of Lebanon

Hourani¹

2018

MEJRS

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“…En tredje risiko er at flyktninger uten fremtidshåp veldig lett radikaliseres (se f.eks. Sude, Stebbins & Weilant 2015). Dette er inntil videre kun en mulighet, men forskningen på området, og den historiske erfaringen fra lignende situasjoner, gir liten grunn til optimisme, saerlig når flyktningene blir en del av et politisk spill der andre hensyn enn deres velbefinnende kommer først.…”

Section: Indirekte Konsekvenserunclassified

En blankofullmakt til Erdoğan

Wigen¹

2016

Internasjonal Politikk

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InnledningI løpet av 2015 søkte i overkant av én million mennesker asyl i EU-land. Dette tilsvarer to promille av EUs befolkning. Langt på vei de fleste reiste via Tyrkia til Hellas (Holland 2015, Frontex 2016. Etter en forsommer med sympatierklaeringer overfor mennesker i nød, hardnet retorikken til utover høsten og vinteren, og flyktningene ble i økende grad fremstilt som en trussel som måtte stoppes. Medier og politikere både i Norge og ellers i Europa erklaerte at dette var en uforutsett krise, og i mange land benyttet innvandringsfiendtlige partier «trusselen» flyktningene utgjorde til å gjennomføre en politikk de lenge hadde ivret for. Mens Europa hausset seg opp til krise over to promille ankomster, har Tyrkia tatt i mot syriske flyktninger tilsvarende tre prosent av sin befolkning. Likevel insisterer EU nå på å sende så mange som mulig tilbake til Tyrkia (Rankin 2016). I dette bidraget vil jeg argumentere for at denne politikken har skapt en ny dynamikk mellom Tyrkia og EU, og gitt tyrkerne nye kort på hånden i forholdet til EU.Sett fra Tyrkia virker det merkelig at flyktningkrisen kom så overraskende på europeerne, og at Europa ble overveldet av å motta så få Á relativt sett Á flyktninger. Med et minimum av byrdefordeling og samarbeid burde det vaere en smal sak for en union bestående av verdens rikeste og mest velordnede stater å håndtere en million mennesker. Selv har Tyrkia opplevd flyktningkrisen siden begynnelsen av borgerkrigen i Syria i 2011, og har ved flere anledninger bedt om hjelp fra Europa, uten respons. For Tyrkia vitner europeernes overraskelse og manglende vilje til ansvarstagen om i hvilken grad Europa er seg selv nok. Ifølge offisielle tall er det nå 2,7 millioner syrere i Tyrkia (Aljazeera Turk, 2016).1 De syriske flyktningene er et ganske betent politisk tema også i Tyrkia, og flertallet av tyrkerne ser på dem som en stor byrde (Global 2016). Mitt generelle inntrykk er likevel at tyrkere flest er stolte over å vaere blant dem som faktisk har hjulpet syrerne.

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Migration and Security: The Case of Greece

Karatrantos

2021

Small States and the European Migrant Crisis

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Lessening the Risk of Refugee Radicalization: Lessons for the Middle East from Past Crises

Cited by 11 publications

References 9 publications

State Security and Refugees: Operationalizing the “Ladder of Options” by the Government of Lebanon

State Security and Refugees: Operationalizing the “Ladder of Options” by the Government of Lebanon

En blankofullmakt til Erdoğan

Migration and Security: The Case of Greece

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