2009
DOI: 10.1016/j.lingua.2007.10.015
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Less form – more meaning: Why bare singular nouns are special

Abstract: In languages like English, bare nominals are only used in special constructions, and they come with special meaning effects. This paper applies bidirectional Optimality Theory to explain why unmarked (articleless) forms have unmarked (stereotypical) meanings. The syntactic unmarkedness of bare nominals is embedded in a constraint-based typology of number, article use and referentiality. The semantic unmarkedness of the stereotypical interpretation falls out of the strongest meaning hypothesis.

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Cited by 46 publications
(30 citation statements)
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“…Such coordinate structures are unusual, because languages like English, Spanish and Dutch normally require an article or other determiner on singular count nouns in regular argument position. 1 The fact that we find bare count nouns in coordination makes this a "bare construction" in the sense of de Swart and Zwarts (2009), along with bare predication, bare prepositional phrases, bare titles, bare noun incorporation, etc. Bare 1 In this paper, we take it for granted that a lexical distinction between count and mass nouns can be established for bare nouns.…”
Section: Bare Coordination Constructionsmentioning
confidence: 96%
“…Such coordinate structures are unusual, because languages like English, Spanish and Dutch normally require an article or other determiner on singular count nouns in regular argument position. 1 The fact that we find bare count nouns in coordination makes this a "bare construction" in the sense of de Swart and Zwarts (2009), along with bare predication, bare prepositional phrases, bare titles, bare noun incorporation, etc. Bare 1 In this paper, we take it for granted that a lexical distinction between count and mass nouns can be established for bare nouns.…”
Section: Bare Coordination Constructionsmentioning
confidence: 96%
“…But there is more. The examples in (6) are from an earlier investigation of weak referentiality in English (de Swart and Zwarts 2009 As the examples in (6) indicate, bare nominals appear in predicative contexts (6a), but also in the object position of certain verbs, a construction often associated with incorporation (6b), in the complement position of certain prepositions (6c) (Stvan 1998), in coordination constructions (6d) (Heycock & Zamparelli 2003), and in reduplicated constructions like (6e) (Jackendoff 2008). Follow-up work by Baldwin et al (2006), and empirical research on Dutch and French suggest more fine-grained distinctions within these categories: The three languages have a range of weakly referential constructions in common.…”
Section: Weakly Referential Bare Nominals In English Dutch and Frenchmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In languages that allow both bare and indefinite phrases in predicative position, this leads to subtle meaning differences between predication with and without articles with capacity nouns. Given that CAP is exclusively associated with bare predication, REL is interpreted in such configurations as the complement denotation of the capacity (de Swart & Zwarts 2009):…”
Section: Bare Nominals and Indefinites In Predicative Contextsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…He suggests three classificatory categories with the notion of nominal mapping parameters. Contrastingly, the OT analysis of de Swart & Zwarts (2009 do not assume that morpho-syntactic features should be collapsed with countability and plurality. They propose several general constraints governing nominal forms and argue that different ordering of the constraints in optimality accounts for different nominal forms crosslinguistically.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 96%