Islam Et Islamismes Au Sud Du Sahara 1998
DOI: 10.3917/kart.kane.1998.01.0101
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Les médersas au Burkina

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Cited by 4 publications
(3 citation statements)
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“…Looking at the case of Côte d'Ivoire, Madore & Traoré (2018) persuasively demonstrate how, since the democratisation era of the 1990s, the Ivoirian state used patronage schemes to both coopt and marginalise Islamic associations that had a stake in the management of the hajj. Similar patterns were seen in a diverse set of countries, such as Pakistan (Donnan 1989: 214), Nigeria (Pérouse de Montclos 2017: 281), Burkina Faso (Oubda 2003: 75), Côte d'Ivoire (Cissé 2014; Savadogo 2014; Traoré 2015) as well as Russia (Naganawa 2012: 314; Kane 2015).…”
Section: The State and The Hajj: A Review Of The Literaturementioning
confidence: 58%
“…Looking at the case of Côte d'Ivoire, Madore & Traoré (2018) persuasively demonstrate how, since the democratisation era of the 1990s, the Ivoirian state used patronage schemes to both coopt and marginalise Islamic associations that had a stake in the management of the hajj. Similar patterns were seen in a diverse set of countries, such as Pakistan (Donnan 1989: 214), Nigeria (Pérouse de Montclos 2017: 281), Burkina Faso (Oubda 2003: 75), Côte d'Ivoire (Cissé 2014; Savadogo 2014; Traoré 2015) as well as Russia (Naganawa 2012: 314; Kane 2015).…”
Section: The State and The Hajj: A Review Of The Literaturementioning
confidence: 58%
“…From there, the movement was introduced in Upper Volta, now Burkina Faso, around 1950, but it only became really visible in the public arena during the 2000s (Cissé 2010). In Benin, the first Ahmadi missionaries arrived from Nigeria in 1960.…”
Section: The Ahmadiyya Muslim Community: a Transnational Muslim Group...mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In his comparative study on the Sahel, Idrissa (2017) argued that Islam's apolitical character and ‘quiescence’ in Burkina Faso was exceptional. Echoing the works that have highlighted the political subordination and co-optation of Burkinabe Muslim elites (Otayek 1984; 1996; Cissé 1994; Kouanda 1998; Vanvyve 2015; Madore 2016a: 46–55, 70–91), Samson (2018: 292–3) argued that ‘Islam in Burkina Faso is not part of a process of politicization’ and that it has ‘never represented a dissenting force’. Although Islam has become the majority religion, 1 it is the Roman Catholic Church that, through its vast network of schools since the colonial period, has helped retain a virtual monopoly among the ruling elite in the Burkinabe post-colonial state (Otayek 1997; Somé 2001; Bouron 2011).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%