Les déterminants de la mobilisation des Gilets jaunes

Boyer, Pierre C.; Delemotte, Thomas; Gauthier, Germain; Rollet, Vincent; Schmutz, Benoît

doi:10.3917/reco.711.0109

Cited by 48 publications

(29 citation statements)

References 21 publications

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“…Hungarian populist Viktor Orban has been strongest in the countryside (Rachman, 2018). And in France, the Gilet Jaune protesters have travelled from peripheral rural areas to Paris to protest against Macron's policies (Boyer et al, 2019). Economic geographers have suggested that this might, in part, reflect patterns of uneven development and an urban-focused growth model where core areas and cities have done better than towns and the periphery (Rodríguez-Pose, 2018;Gordon, 2018).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Faith no more? The divergence of political trust between urban and rural Europe

Mitsch

Lee

Morrow

2021

Political Geography

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Events such as Brexit and the Gilet Jaunes protests have highlighted the spatial nature of populism. In particular, there has been increasing political divergence between urban and rural areas, with rural areas apparently having lost faith in national governments. We investigate this divergence using data on over 125,000 EU citizens from the European Social Survey from 2008-2018. We show that people in rural areas have lower political trust than urban or peri-urban residents, with this difference clear for six different forms of political institutions, including politicians, political parties, and national parliaments. There has been divergence of political trust between urban and rural Europe since 2008, although this is primarily driven by Southern Europe. While these results can partly be explained by demographic differences between cities and the countryside, divergent economic experiences, differences in values, and perceptions that public services are less effective outside of urban areas, there is a residual 'rural effect' beyond this. We argue that the polarization of urban-rural political trust has important implications for the functioning of European democracies.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Faith no more? The divergence of political trust between urban and rural Europe

Mitsch

Lee

Morrow

2021

Political Geography

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“…Although the movement has received attention in the news and social media, a theoretical analysis of the factors explaining the emergence and continued persistence of the movement is only slowly emerging. Nevertheless, despite a scarcity of empirical research (for exceptions, see Bennani, Gandré & Monnery, 2019;Boyer at al., 2019), it is clear that the Yellow Vest movement deserves attention from social scientists. As an initially spontaneous and grassroots rural uprising without apparent organizational structures or leaders, the Yellow Vests has led to substantial policy change and concessions on the part of the French government, changing the political landscape in France.…”

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confidence: 99%

How Economic Inequality Fuels the Rise and Persistence of the Yellow Vest Movement

Jetten

Mols

Selvanathan

2020

International Review of Social Psychology

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Our analysis explores the rise of the Yellow Vest movement as a collective response to perceptions of growing levels of economic inequality in France whereby collective action is triggered by the perceived illegitimacy of the growing gap between the 'haves' and 'have-nots'. We highlight different psychological processes that might explain why concerns about economic inequality have become more salient. We focus on two dynamics in particular: (a) President Macron's perceived alignment with the elites and disconnection from ordinary French people, and (b) historically dominant collective narratives that frame growing inequality as breaking with long-standing values and norms of equality. Both processes enhance 'us' (the victims) versus 'them' (the elite and those that are not true to national values of equality) categorizations along wealth lines whereby, 'us' becomes a broad category. To explain why the movement continues to go strong, we focus on ongoing intergroup processes (i.e., the police response, lack of support from intellectuals and the middle class) and intragroup processes (i.e., the movement brings together all those who self-categorise as victims of inequality, uniting those that may at other times be seen as 'strange bedfellows'). We conclude that a proper understanding of the way in which economic inequality might divide society creating new intergroup dynamics is essential to understand the Yellow Vest movement.

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“…Relevant because this is the level at which certain regional development policies in the health, social, education and planning sectors are deployed. It is also relevant because people are attached to this level, as illustrated by various anecdotes: strong opposition to the plan to remove the department number from vehicle registration plates in 2008, strong proportion of gilet jaunes Facebook groups that include a reference to the department (20% according to Boyer et al, 2019), etc. Historical reconstructions of income at smaller scales, such as commune or canton, are possible, but these come up against difficult issues surrounding the spatial development of these units, which was very significant over the 20th century, and the disconnection between the places where the people live and where they work.…”

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confidence: 99%

Redistributive Effects of the Taxation of Couples and Families: A Microsimulation Study of Income Tax

André¹,

Sireyjol²

2021

Ecostat

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In France, married couples or couples in civil partnerships must declare their resources jointly and are allocated two tax units. This tax system, referred to as the marital quotient, represents a financial package of around 10 billion euros. Using the Ines microsimulation model, we simulate three reforms of this system: an individualisation of taxation, a reduction of marital quotient to 1.5 tax units while allowing married couples/couples in civil partnerships to opt for individual taxation and, finally, the capping of the marital quotient at the same level as the family quotient. Individualisation results in the highest tax gain (around 7 billion), compared with 3.8 billion when the marital quotient is reduced to 1.5 tax units and 3 billion with the marital quotient cap. With these reforms, 46%, 45% and 7% of couples lose out, respectively. The median losses correspond to 1.5%, 1.3% and 2.6% of the disposable income of the households concerned, respectively. Finally, 60%, 64% and 83% of the losses are in the last three standard of living deciles, respectively.

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Les déterminants de la mobilisation des Gilets jaunes

Abstract: Les documents de travail ne reflètent pas la position du CREST et n'engagent que leurs auteurs. Working papers do not reflect the position of CREST but only the views of the authors.

Cited by 48 publications

References 21 publications

Faith no more? The divergence of political trust between urban and rural Europe

Faith no more? The divergence of political trust between urban and rural Europe

How Economic Inequality Fuels the Rise and Persistence of the Yellow Vest Movement

Redistributive Effects of the Taxation of Couples and Families: A Microsimulation Study of Income Tax

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