2012
DOI: 10.1007/s11127-012-0043-9
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Legislative budget cycles

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Cited by 17 publications
(22 citation statements)
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“…Along the same lines, Chang (2008), focusing on OECD countries, shows that incumbents increase social welfare spending before elections under proportional representation, while they raise district-specific spending (including 6 Furthermore, in proportional systems, incentives for good individual performance by a politician may be diluted because citizens vote on a list and, consequently, elections are a less powerful tool to discipline policymakers. Working with a panel of countries, Shelton (2014) confirms Persson and Tabelini's prediction that electoral budget cycles are stronger under majoritarian rules. He also claims, and finds evidence, that a strong party system mitigates the electoral budget cycles more in countries with majoritarian electoral systems than in those with proportional rules.…”
Section: Factors Affecting the Readiness And Incentives Of Politiciansupporting
confidence: 68%
“…Along the same lines, Chang (2008), focusing on OECD countries, shows that incumbents increase social welfare spending before elections under proportional representation, while they raise district-specific spending (including 6 Furthermore, in proportional systems, incentives for good individual performance by a politician may be diluted because citizens vote on a list and, consequently, elections are a less powerful tool to discipline policymakers. Working with a panel of countries, Shelton (2014) confirms Persson and Tabelini's prediction that electoral budget cycles are stronger under majoritarian rules. He also claims, and finds evidence, that a strong party system mitigates the electoral budget cycles more in countries with majoritarian electoral systems than in those with proportional rules.…”
Section: Factors Affecting the Readiness And Incentives Of Politiciansupporting
confidence: 68%
“…In a similar vein, more recent studies have focused on dierent types of checks and balances: legislative veto players and compliance with scal laws (Streb et al, 2009, 427), scal transparency and party polarization (Alt and Lassen, 2006), party institutionalization (Shelton, 2014), and the checks and balances produced by presidential systems (Persson and Tabellini, 2003b). Some of the studies link the argument to democratization (e.g., Shelton, 2014). However, most suggest that in the absence of checks and balances, PBCs occur even in advanced democracies (Streb et al, 2009;Alt and Lassen, 2006).…”
Section: Democratization and Pbcsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The second shortcoming is that the literature is based on one-dimensional conceptualizations of democratization, measured either dichotomously (Shi and Svensson, 2006;Shelton, 2014;Drazen, 2005, 2007;Streb et al, 2009) or by the number of competitive elections held in a country Drazen, 2005, 2007;Vergne, 2009). While one-dimensional conceptualizations and dichotomous measures 7 Vergne (2009)'s nding that the cycles disappear as countries gain more experience with elections only applies to PBCs in aggregate spending.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In Alpanda and Honig (2010), the government is constrained in generating a PBC by its borrowing capacity. Finally, endowment in natural resources can play a role (Vergne 2009).political alignment or affiliation (i.e., when local and national executives belong to the same party) as shown in Lema and Streb (2013) and Rumi (2014), the strength of political parties (Shelton 2014) and the strength of the incumbent government, a divided or fragmented government being less able to generate a PBC because of coordination costs ( …”
mentioning
confidence: 99%