Latina/o Identities: Social Diversity and U.S. Politics

Schmidt, Ronald; Barvosa-Carter, Edwina; Torres, Rodolfo D.

doi:10.1017/s1049096500061576

Cited by 4 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 4 publications

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“…Due to a shared history of discrimination, we expect racial and ethnic minority group members will place greater value on in-group cohesion and perceive a greater sense of commonality because of this shared experience. The process of racialization has also led to greater degrees of in-group commonality among members of disadvantaged groups (Schmidt et al 2000;Zepeda-Millán and Wallace 2013). Minorities will also feel a strong sense of in-group solidarity, especially because of observing co-ethnic representatives engaging in collective representation (Casellas 2010;Grose 2011;Mansbridge 1999;Minta 2011;Rouse 2013).…”

Section: Commonality In Public Policy Attitudesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Race, Partisanship, and Attitudes Toward Public Policy Commonality and Legislative Districts

Casellas

Gillion

Wallace

2018

J. Race Ethnicity Politics

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This paper utilizes original survey data to examine whether individuals believe they share views on public policy with members of their own racial or ethnic group and whether they place an importance on living in legislative districts with people from their own racial or ethnic group. We find strong evidence that Latino and African-American respondents have a sense of shared policy preferences within their own group. Our results also indicate white Republicans are very likely to view themselves as having shared policy preferences within their group. Respondents who have a strong sense of shared policy preferences with their racial group are also the most likely to think it is important to live in legislative districts with others from their own racial or ethnic group. This paper affords a deeper understanding of the extent to which voters express commonality with their racial and ethnic minority group on matters related to public policy.

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Section: Commonality In Public Policy Attitudesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Race, Partisanship, and Attitudes Toward Public Policy Commonality and Legislative Districts

Casellas

Gillion

Wallace

2018

J. Race Ethnicity Politics

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“…Latino adults use national origin most often as a marker for self-identification (Latino National Political Survey, cited in Schmidt, Barvosa-Carter, & Torres, 2000). Second-generation Latino youths, however, tend to see their ethnicity in racial terms (Portes & Rumbaut, 2001), perhaps because the selection of a label may be influenced by how others perceive youths (Brunsma & Rockquemore, 2001) and because the dominant U.S. culture uses race as a way of understanding ethnic differences (Holleran, 2003).…”

Section: Theoretical Frameworkmentioning

confidence: 99%

Youths of Mexican Descent of the Southwest: Exploring Differences in Ethnic Labels

Holley¹,

Salas²,

Marsiglia³

et al. 2009

Children & Schools

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Knowledge of the factors that influence youths' choice of racial or ethnic labels will help us understand intragroup diversity, suggest ways in which school social workers can support youth's ethnic identity development, and learn if youth who choose different combinations of labels may be grouped together for research purposes. This study of 2,857 Mexican-origin youth in the U.S. Southwest found that linguistic acculturation, socioeconomic status, and educational aspirations are related to choice of ethnic labels. Implications for social work interventions in schools and for future research are offered. Keywordsacculturation; Latino; Mexican American; multiethnic; youths The label one uses to self-identify is one aspect of ethnic identity. Ethnic identity is "one's sense of belonging to a group and the feelings and attitudes that accompany this sense of group membership" (Phinney, Romero, Nava, & Huang, 2001, p. 136). Ethnic identity development is particularly salient for youths of color (Rumbaut, 1994), may begin as early as middle school for these youth (Tatum, 1997), changes over time, and is influenced by family and community contexts (Portes & Rumbaut, 2001). It is within the school context that youths often first encounter pressures to select a racial category (Chiong, 1998). This pressure transcends school forms, in that many children of color are forced to figure out their places within pre-established racial and ethnic groups. Because concentrations of Latinos now are found in many U.S. states (Guzmán, 2001) and Latinos in the United States are more likely than the general population to be under the age of 18 (Guzmán, 2001) school social workers across the nation are in unique positions to support the ethnic identity development of Latino youths.The vast majority of studies that seek to examine whether there are relationships between the ethnicity of youths and various health and behavioral outcomes use youths' self-selected ethnic or racial labels to categorize them. Researchers have faced the dilemma of deciding how to assign study participants who select multiple ethnic labels into only one category for purposes of analysis. Assigning youths to only one category, however, may obfuscate differences among youths who select various combinations of labels. If these differences are concealed, then practitioners in schools and other settings who develop interventions on the basis of research findings may offer interventions that do not meet the needs of many youth. In the case of Latino youths, understanding racial and ethnic self-identification presents unique issues in that Latinos of different nationality backgrounds, races, and socioeconomic and acculturation statuses tend to vary greatly in their self-identification. NIH Public Access THEORETICAL FRAMEWORKSBecause of the exploratory nature of this study, we examine three different theoretical perspectives that have the potential to explain why selected factors may influence youths' selection of ethnic labels. Although each framework offers ...

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“…Latino communities have a long history of organizing to protect themselves against racial discrimination (Marquez and Jennings 2000). Scholars of Latino politics have predicted that to the extent that Latinos feel threatened because they are Latinos, they will embrace a unifying panethnic identity (Schmidt, Barvosa-Carter, and Torres 2000). Anti-immigrant actions can serve as the catalyst that spurs Latino mobilization (Sierra et al 2000;Hero et al 2000;Ramakrishnan and Espenshade 2001).…”

Section: Insights From the Existing Scholarshipmentioning

confidence: 99%

Latino Mobilization in New Immigrant Destinations

Benjamin-Alvarado

DeSipio

Montoya

2008

Urban Affairs Review

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We use the 2006 immigrant-rights protests as a point of departure to test whether political opportunity structures aligned to spur widespread immigrant mobilization in new immigrant destinations. The existing immigrant mobilization scholarship would predict the absence of protest in areas of new migration because of their low levels of immigrant civic infrastructure. Through a detailed study of the immigrant-rights protests and their aftermath in Nebraska, we find that the unifying effect of the anti-immigrant legislation on immigrant-ethnic communities nationally allowed immigrants and their leaders to seize the opportunities presented by shifting local politics, new communications technologies, and the growing migrant civil societies in new destinations to spur widespread, if short-lived, mobilization.

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Latina/o Identities: Social Diversity and U.S. Politics

Cited by 4 publications

References 4 publications

Race, Partisanship, and Attitudes Toward Public Policy Commonality and Legislative Districts

Race, Partisanship, and Attitudes Toward Public Policy Commonality and Legislative Districts

Youths of Mexican Descent of the Southwest: Exploring Differences in Ethnic Labels

Latino Mobilization in New Immigrant Destinations

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