Later, if ever: Family influences on the transition from first to second birth in Soviet Ukraine

Abstract

What was the role of the family in individual reproductive decisions during state socialism? Can the family help to understand regional variations in fertility decline? This study provides an in-depth analysis of family relationships and their influences on individual reproductive decisions during the transition from first to second birth in Soviet Ukraine. Life history interviews are used to compare the western and eastern borderland cities of Lviv and Kharkiv, respectively, around 1950–1975. The findings reveal that regional differences in intergenerational ties and spousal cooperation shaped two reproductive strategies of transition to second birth, specifically postponing in Kharkiv and spacing in Lviv.

‘Two children to make ends meet’: the ideal family size, parental responsibilities and costs of children on two sides of the Iron Curtain during the post-war fertility decline

“…Alongside these population changes, the legalisation of abortion, universal secondary education and female labour-force participation are argued to have reinforced the fertility decline in the region (Blum, 2003(Blum, , 2004Vishnevskij, 2006) through the appearance of women's double burden (Lapidus, 1978). As such, the double burden, alongside with the rather limited availability of grandparental support, especially in the urban context, and the overall nuclearisation of urban households in the course of Soviet family politics, significantly increased the perceived costs of childcare (Hilevych, 2016a;2016b).…”

“…The aspiration to postpone the second rather than first birth was largely connected to the fact that in the Soviet context men and women often did not intend to secure their entire living situation prior to marriage and first birth and many continued to live with and rely on their parents in these matters, at least with regard to the first birth (Hilevych, 2016b). However, the second birth was seen as a point by which parents themselves should have secured a living standard for the family (Hilevych, 2016a), which in the Swiss context could be observed around the entrance into parenthood (Rusterholz, 2017). The account of Zoya, who was born in 1938 in Ukraine, had her two children at the age of 28 and 35, respectively and worked as a technologist for most of her life, illustrates that she decided to have her second child after starting to feel more materially secure in life.…”

“…In addition, many women had and tried to return to the labour market soon after the first birth in order to maintain the family's income and hence desired well-being. For this reason, the Ukrainian informants often tried to postpone having a second child by at least five years (for more on this topic see (Hilevych, 2016a)). Furthermore, the informants were especially cautious about pregnancies following their second birth, which most frequently resulted in abortions, sometimes even without the husband's consent (see also (Hilevych, 2015)).…”

Patterns of spatial proximity and the timing and spacing of bearing children

“…Key examples are customs related to age at leaving the parental home, marriage (Reher 1998: 215), inheritance practices (Mason 2001: 160), and patterns of family care (Hareven 1991: 108-111;Mason 2001: 160). For all these customs, family systems provide 'blue prints' that (1) govern when and under which conditions particular family members gain in importance, (2) regulate patterns of social support (e.g., in the case of childbirth or elderly care ;Reher 1998;Segalen et al 2010: 178/179, 195-197, 202;Bucx, Wel, and Knijn 2012: 109) and (3) provide certain life course stages with meaning, such as the transition to adulthood (see Hilevych 2016;Mason 2001: 160-161).…”

Strong families and declining fertility : a comparative study of family relations and reproductive careers in Soviet Ukraine

“…Surprisingly, such attitudes contrast to those surrounding the transition to second birth when material uncertainty was seen as the major obstacle for proceeding with a second pregnancy (Hilevych, 2016). The informants actually experienced economic uncertainty at both transitions, but they seemed to rely on certain premises when entering parenthood.…”