Abstract:This book analyses protests against the Great Recession in the European periphery. While social movements have long been considered as children of affluent times - or at least of times of opening opportunities - these protests defy such expectations, developing instead in moments of diminishing opportunities in both the economic and the political realms. Can social movement studies still be useful to understanding these movements of troubled times? The authors offer a positive answer to this question, although… Show more
“…The government has controlled the discourse of civic space not only through administrative regulations, but also through the use of criminal law and state sanctioned violence. This dynamic is more pronounced in the international literature on nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) which reveals how governments have historically regulated and suppressed civic space by supporting those NGOs they deemed to be legitimate representatives of the people and silencing or criminalizing segments of civil society that challenged established norms (Buyse 2018;Della Porta 2017;Feldman 1997). Brazilian NGO scholar, Telles, coined the term "five star civil society" to describe "those NGOs whose agendas are considered acceptable and that don't challenge political economic or social norms" (2001, p. 32).…”
Section: The Regulatory Environment and The Hegemony Of Elite Interestsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Similarly, the nonprofit sector has fostered citizen participation in ways that they do no longer (Della Porta 2017;Hall 1998;Skocpol 1996;Young 2000). While the organizations, themselves, were largely founded and directed by elites, nonprofits included institutional structures that drew a cross-section of Americans into civic life.…”
Section: A Civil Society Cast Adrift and Citizens Marooned On Putnam'mentioning
The following manuscript employs critical inquiry to analyze the effects of neoliberalism on nonprofits in the U.S. and their capacity to engage in political advocacy and the production of meaning, a pivotal role for civil society institutions. Three false narratives of how nonprofits support democracy are presented followed by a discussion of how neoliberalism and the economization of the sector has delimited their capacity to fulfill their roles of engaging in emancipatory projects or social change. The manuscript concludes with a discussion of how nonprofits can reclaim civic space and empower citizens in a representative democracy.
“…The government has controlled the discourse of civic space not only through administrative regulations, but also through the use of criminal law and state sanctioned violence. This dynamic is more pronounced in the international literature on nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) which reveals how governments have historically regulated and suppressed civic space by supporting those NGOs they deemed to be legitimate representatives of the people and silencing or criminalizing segments of civil society that challenged established norms (Buyse 2018;Della Porta 2017;Feldman 1997). Brazilian NGO scholar, Telles, coined the term "five star civil society" to describe "those NGOs whose agendas are considered acceptable and that don't challenge political economic or social norms" (2001, p. 32).…”
Section: The Regulatory Environment and The Hegemony Of Elite Interestsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Similarly, the nonprofit sector has fostered citizen participation in ways that they do no longer (Della Porta 2017;Hall 1998;Skocpol 1996;Young 2000). While the organizations, themselves, were largely founded and directed by elites, nonprofits included institutional structures that drew a cross-section of Americans into civic life.…”
Section: A Civil Society Cast Adrift and Citizens Marooned On Putnam'mentioning
The following manuscript employs critical inquiry to analyze the effects of neoliberalism on nonprofits in the U.S. and their capacity to engage in political advocacy and the production of meaning, a pivotal role for civil society institutions. Three false narratives of how nonprofits support democracy are presented followed by a discussion of how neoliberalism and the economization of the sector has delimited their capacity to fulfill their roles of engaging in emancipatory projects or social change. The manuscript concludes with a discussion of how nonprofits can reclaim civic space and empower citizens in a representative democracy.
“…1 As some assessment process requires formal attribution, we declare that Donatella della Porta is responsible for sections 'Young and anti-austerity protests in Italy: an introduction' and 'A generational comparison: some conclusions', while Massimiliano Andretta for the remaining sections. 2 The sudden and contagious mobilization by young citizens in many North Africa and Middle-East countries in the period between 2010 and 2011 aimed at democratizing their political systems (Abdih, 2011;della Porta, 2017). 3 For detailed information on the sample methodology see van Stekelenburg et al (2012) and Andretta and della Porta (2014).…”
Section: Notesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Despite the various threats that the Millennial generation faces (from unemployment, to precariousness and uncertainty), many young citizens still engage in politics, though not necessarily through conventional patterns of participation. The economic crisis and the related austerity policies have triggered protest mobilizations in all southern European countries (della Porta et al, 2017). In these, younger generations have played a crucial role.…”
Section: Young and Anti-austerity Protests In Italy: An Introductionmentioning
Italy is not a country for young people. Why? This book provides a unique and in-depth collection of empirical and theoretical material providing multiple answers to this question whilst investigating the living conditions of young people in Italy today. By bringing together a variety of approaches and methods, the authors of this collection analyze Italian youth through the lenses of three dimensions: 'Activism, Participation and Citizenship', 'Work, Employment and Careers' and 'Moves, Transitions and Representations'. These dimensions are the analytical building blocks for challenging stereotypes and unveiling misinterpretations and taken-for-granted assumptions that portray young people in Italy as selfish, 'choosy', and unwilling to make sacrifices, commit and manage an independent life. These prejudices often underplay the role of constraints they are facing in the transition to adulthood. Studying Italian youth, therefore, not only allows us to capture their peculiar characteristics but also to reflect more broadly on the conceptual toolbox we need in order to understand contemporary youth more generally. By doing so, the volume aims to contribute to international discussion on the youth condition in Europe.
“…Social movements have long been considered as children of affluent times, or at least of times of opening opportunities. The protests against first the austerity policies in the global South and then the Great Recession in the European periphery defy these expectations, developing in moments of declining opportunities at both economic and political levels (Silva 2009;della Porta 2015della Porta , 2017. What is more, in many parts of the world, these movements have been able to radically change the party system, promoting the emergence of new actors, sometimes able to experiment with new policies (Roberts 2015;della Porta et al 2016).…”
Section: Social Movements In the Neoliberal Juncturementioning
The promise of modernization after the Second World War was that economic growth, equality, the rule of law and democracy would proceed together. In many ways, this has happened. Yet many of the promises of social progress developed after WWII have been undermined by internal tensions within the democratic project, as well as by social and economic trends. While stating the challenges that these trends have posed for democratic institutions and actors, we also look at the responses (both proposals and practices) that have emerged in order to address those challenges. In doing this, we note that the very conception of democracy as liberal democracy (based on delegation and majority voting) is under stress as neoliberalism has attacked those very intermediary institutions (parties, unions, voluntary associations) that had been at the basis of the development of the welfare state and democratic capitalism. We start by noting the growth in inequality, which means that formal democracy is shaped by uneven power resources as concentration of wealth provides advantages in the capacity to influence public decision making with mutual convertibility of economic and
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