Language Ideological Debates 1999
DOI: 10.1515/9783110808049.105
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Language ideological debates in an Olympic city: Barcelona 1992-1996

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Cited by 26 publications
(10 citation statements)
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“…These debates can relate to the form (Jaffe 1999; Schieffelin and Doucet ; Sebba ) or status (Watts ) of languages, to language policy (Schmidt ) or to processes of nation‐building involving references to language (Heller ; Jaffe ; Pujolar ). In autochthonous (or “indigenous” or “regional”) minority language contexts such as the BI, inevitable discussion of the role(s) and status of the dominant or global language(s) and the autochthonous language(s) particularly favors the occurrence of LID (e.g., Boudreau and Dubois ; DiGiacomo ; Heller ; Pujolar ).…”
Section: Minority Language Ideological Debates and Linguistic Authoritymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…These debates can relate to the form (Jaffe 1999; Schieffelin and Doucet ; Sebba ) or status (Watts ) of languages, to language policy (Schmidt ) or to processes of nation‐building involving references to language (Heller ; Jaffe ; Pujolar ). In autochthonous (or “indigenous” or “regional”) minority language contexts such as the BI, inevitable discussion of the role(s) and status of the dominant or global language(s) and the autochthonous language(s) particularly favors the occurrence of LID (e.g., Boudreau and Dubois ; DiGiacomo ; Heller ; Pujolar ).…”
Section: Minority Language Ideological Debates and Linguistic Authoritymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The didactic charts follow the norms set by the modern standardizer of the Catalan language, Pompeu Fabra, in the early 20th century. Fabra generally claimed to base his decisions about a literary standard on “the language as it is spoken now” (DiGiacomo :112), but that was a stretch in the case of the weak pronouns. As an engineer by training, Fabra had a strong logico‐semantic bent (Segarra ).…”
Section: The Weak Pronounsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…However, a significant feature of this opposition was that it was largely initiated and fostered from elsewhere in Spain, rather than from within Catalonia itself. It also tended to be firmly located within a broader conservative political agenda advocating the return of a traditional centralist Spanish nationalism, and a related retrenchment of regional autonomy (DiGiacomo 1999;Guibernau 2004). This was a key feature of the political rhetoric of the Spanish conservative party-the Partido Popular-when it was in power from 1996-2004, and one that continues to form part of its political platform in opposition since that time (see also below).…”
Section: The Case Of Cataloniamentioning
confidence: 99%