Language difference and regional authority

Shair‐Rosenfield, Sarah; Schakel, Arjan H.; Niedzwiecki, Sara; Marks, Gary; Hooghe, Liesbet; Chapman-Osterkatz, Sandra

doi:10.1080/13597566.2020.1831476

Cited by 80 publications

(30 citation statements)

References 58 publications

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“…Geographical isolation, linguistic distinctiveness, and a history of independence can lead members of a group to see themselves as a people entitled to self‐rule. The geo‐historical bases for such identities are especially strong in Europe and Asia (Shair‐Rosenfield et al, 2021). Among states, international organizations that can tap into some similar culture, religion, geographical location, political or legal institutions are most likely to sustain general‐purpose government (Hooghe et al, 2019a, 2019b).…”

Section: Scale Community and Multilevel Governancementioning

confidence: 99%

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The territorial architecture of government

2021

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This article sets the stage for a special issue that examines the interplay between subnational and supranational governance. It begins by discussing how the territorial architecture of government has become more multilevel as national governments have shifted authority both downwards to subnational governments and upwards to international and supranational institutions. Next, we argue that this multilevel structure emanates from a tension between the drive to reap the functional benefits of scale diversity in a globalizing economy and the pressures arising from collective self‐rule. We build on the research in this special issue to highlight some tangible effects of this tension for policy, politics, and polity. Subnational and supranational governance are conventionally perceived as separate phenomena with distinct consequences, and yet they are intimately connected in a fluid territorial architecture of multilevel governance.

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Section: Scale Community and Multilevel Governancementioning

confidence: 99%

“…1 1 Figures on regional tiers and metropolitan governance are from RAI v.3 (Shair‐Rosenfield et al, 2021). …”

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confidence: 99%

The territorial architecture of government

2021

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“…To capture the impact of the socio-economic context of a region we include three variables. First, a language region dummy variable scores positive when a majority of the citizens within a region speaks a different language from the dominant national language Shair-Rosenfield et al 2020). 3 Citizens from a linguistically distinctive region may be more supportive of regional reform that strengthens regional autonomy and they could have lower preferences for inter-regional fiscal transfers.…”

Section: Methods and Control Variablesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Unravelling the ‘devolution paradox’: Citizen preferences for self‐rule and for shared rule

Schakel

Smith

2021

European J Political Res

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Recent survey research has revealed a 'devolution paradox': some citizens who favour stronger regional governments inconsistently desire policy uniformity across regions and state-wide intervention in policy provision. It is argued and empirically shown that preferences for regional authority can be broken down into preferences for self-rule -that is, for autonomy for the region -and for shared rule -that is, for collaboration between regional and national governments. Drawing upon the International Constitutional Values Survey, which includes 4,930 respondents from 142 regions in eight countries, it is also shown that preferences for self-rule and shared rule have different impacts. Preferences for self-rule translate into a preference for regional reform that strengthens regional autonomy, whereas preferences for shared rule drive preferences for fiscal transfers from richer to poorer regions. These results are important because they can explain why citizens who are in favour of more regional authority may support an apparently 'paradoxical' set of policy outcomes.

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“…The 30 metropolitan municipalities are subdivided into 519 district municipalities (ilçe), each with their own assembly and mayor. The metropolitan municipality council (büyükşehir belediye meclisi) consists of at least one fifth of the councillors of the district municipalities from within the metropolitan area and all mayors of the district municipalities are ex officio members (Hooghe et al 2016;Shair-Rosenfield et al 2021). Taşkin (2021) notes that the 2012 reform helped the AKP to retain power in the metropolitan municipalities by winning majorities in the district councils and by winning an absolute majority of the district mayors.…”

Section: Horizontal Spill-over Between Electoral Arenasmentioning

confidence: 99%

Horizontal and vertical spill-over in multilevel electoral systems

Schakel

Romanova

2021

Regional & Federal Studies

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A multilevel electoral system perspective reveals several ways in which electoral spill-over may occur. Vertical spill-over may be top-down from the national to the regional level or can be bottom-up from the regional to the national electoral arena. Horizontal spill-over happens when developments in one regional electoral arena impact electoral outcomes in another regional electoral arena. The literature on regional elections has mainly focused on vertical top-down spill-over. In this introduction, we discuss two main insights in relation to spill-over between electoral arenas that surface when considering the collection of articles and reports presented in this fourth annual review of regional elections. First, we discuss how horizontal spill-over can be identified and differentiated from diffusion of electoral developments driven by territorial cleavages. Second, we discuss several institutions that impact vertical spill-over. We conclude by considering a wider research agenda for the study of spill-over in multilevel electoral systems.

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Language difference and regional authority

Cited by 80 publications

References 58 publications

The territorial architecture of government

The territorial architecture of government

Unravelling the ‘devolution paradox’: Citizen preferences for self‐rule and for shared rule

Horizontal and vertical spill-over in multilevel electoral systems

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