1976
DOI: 10.1080/00438243.1976.9979654
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Language and the prehistory of North America

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Cited by 8 publications
(3 citation statements)
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“…That is, the same techniques have long been used for hunter-gatherers and agriculturalists (and within the same family) to draw conclusions about directions of spread and original homelands (see for example Diebold 1960). Some examples are the Finno-Ugric dispersal (Campbell 1997); Athapaskan (Kinkade and Powell 1976); Arawakan (Epps 2009); and Pama-Nyungan (Hale 1964). We may find differences in the speed of the spread, the percentage of a group that spreads, or whether there are initial scouting parties and sporadic site use before later occupation, but the principles of determining spread are identical for all groups.…”
Section: Geography and Mobilitymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…That is, the same techniques have long been used for hunter-gatherers and agriculturalists (and within the same family) to draw conclusions about directions of spread and original homelands (see for example Diebold 1960). Some examples are the Finno-Ugric dispersal (Campbell 1997); Athapaskan (Kinkade and Powell 1976); Arawakan (Epps 2009); and Pama-Nyungan (Hale 1964). We may find differences in the speed of the spread, the percentage of a group that spreads, or whether there are initial scouting parties and sporadic site use before later occupation, but the principles of determining spread are identical for all groups.…”
Section: Geography and Mobilitymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…It was perhaps hinted at by Swadesh in his comments on the earlier discussion of the Salishan languages by Boas (Boas and Haeberlin 1927): "Boas' division of Salishan into Coast and Interior dialects was surely never intended to be more than a convenient geographic breakdown with only approximate linguistic implications" (Swadesh 1950:163). In spite of the hint, the authors we have surveyed have retained the strict Coastllnterior division (see Suttles and Elmendorf 1963;Kinkade andPowell 1976:91: Thompson 1979). ' On the other hand, we find (by the diameter method) that at the higher levels of the family tree, and apparently separating out the effects of borrowing, the more southerly coastal Salish languages form a clustering with the languages of the interior separate from the more northerly coastal languages.…”
Section: The Interior Languages (Iv-a and B Inmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The unintended effect of this narrow geographical focus, coupled with some researchers' limited exposure to Indigenous peoples and languages, was the "shoehorning" of names into the wrong language or language family, i.e., forcing a morphological analysis to fit a preconceived language family and/or meaning, whether the evidence supported that or not. Many names in New England and other parts of Northeastern North America were assumed to be of Algonquian origin simply because that was the dominant Indigenous language family of the area (Kincade & Powell, 1976 (Beauchamp, 1907, p. 16). Schoolcraft also coined at least one name, which he presented as Indigenous: his name for the headwaters of the Mississippi River, Lake Itasca, is a melding of the -itas of Latin veritas ('truth') and the ca-of Latin caput ('head') (Bright, 2004).…”
Section: Why Do We Not Know What Some Places Mean?mentioning
confidence: 99%