Land and Society in Colonial Mexico: The Great Hacienda.

Cline, Howard F.; Chevalier, François; Eustis, Alvin; Simpson, Lesley Byrd

doi:10.2307/2511762

Cited by 27 publications

(5 citation statements)

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“…As New Spain's colonial society gradually recovered from the devastation of plagues and warfare, livestock were banished from the central highlands to the arid north and malarial coasts. Many ranchers, in turn, diversified their operations by planting sugar in river valleys, since cattle did not eat cane (Chevalier 1963;Amith 2005). The complementarity of livestock raising and sugar growing extended to their byproducts.…”

Section: Candy and Conquestmentioning

confidence: 99%

From Panocha to Fudge

Pilcher¹

2023

Gastronomica

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Although the origins of the popular candy called fudge have been traced to American industrial processed foods of the 1880s, an early version known as panochita de leche was made in eighteenth-century Mexico using only rustic brown sugar and milk. The authors of this article combined the methodologies of physical chemistry and food history to examine the development of this dish using the science of sugar refining as well as manuscript and published cookbook recipes, memoirs, and travel accounts. Given the lack of Old World confectionery antecedents to the key technique of whisking the cooling sugar to induce crystallization, they attribute panochita to vernacular Mexican traditions of sugar refining and candy making.

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Section: Candy and Conquestmentioning

confidence: 99%

From Panocha to Fudge

Pilcher¹

2023

Gastronomica

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“…The transition to wage and slave labor tended to remove the estates from the purview of colonial officials, so that estate owners, in the words of François Chevalier, "would tend to withdraw, with their slaves, servants, and retainers, behind their own boundaries, where the sole authority was that exercised by 50 the owner, the chaplain, and the handful of Spaniards and mestizos who controlled operation." 52 Plantations and agricultural estates removed significant groups of people from the reach of colonial institutions, and in that way paved the way for the patrimonial capitalism of the late-nineteenth century export era. Leaving aside the special case of slave labor-which by the end of the nineteenth century was everywhere abolished and, at least in juridical terms, did not become a model-there was nevertheless still a significant difference between the authority of the late-nineteenth century plantation or hacienda owner and that of his colonial counterpart.…”

Section: Three Propositionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Why did Latin America Lose Faith in the Law?

Schaefer

2023

Law hist. rev.

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Colonial Latin America had the fame of being a land where lower-class people were forever suing their betters. To Latin America's popular classes, the law was an indispensable instrument for claiming rights, solving conflicts, and advancing interests. Fast-forward to the middle of the twentieth century, however, and Latin American law held a very different fame. The law was now something to be shunned. It was seen as an instrument of power, manipulated by the rich and influential. Public trust in the law was low, and support for alternative forms of justice, high. In comparison with the colonial era, we are faced with a baffling reversal. This article seeks to explain that reversal by elaborating three propositions: (P1) popular trust in the law declined because of the law's increasing formalism, particularly evident in the codification of civil and criminal law over the course of the nineteenth century; (P2) popular trust in the law declined because of the rise of patrimonial capitalism over the period of study; and (P3) popular trust in the law declined because a new generation of social rights became politicized, first under populist, corporatist regimes that arose in the region in the early and mid-twentieth century and then under the region's Cold-War military dictatorships.

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“…At the turn of twentieth century, Mexico was engulfed in an economic and political crisis, whose origin can be found in an outdated agrarian system and persistent social inequalities (Rosenzweig, 1965;Silva Herzog, 1965). Mexico's agricultural sector was based on large estates (haciendas) owned by a small group of elite landowners since colonial times (Chevalier, 1970;Florescano, 1987;Knight, 2002). 7…”

Section: Historical Backgroundmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…One characteristic of pre-revolutionary Mexico was the high concentration of land by a small elite (Chevalier, 1970;Florescano, 1987;Knight, 2016). It is documented that at the time haciendas could have an extension of up to 500 thousand hectares, with some families controlling nearly three million hectares across several estates.…”

Section: Land Ownershipmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…As for land ownership, pre-revolutionary Mexico was characterized by a high concentration of land (Chevalier, 1970;Florescano, 1987;Knight, 2016), with about 800 families owning more than 90% of the arable land. Moreover, landowners used coercive mechanisms of debt bondage to keep labor attached to haciendas (Alston, Mattiace and Nonnenmacher, 2009;Moreno-Brid and Ros, 2009).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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