“…There are no statistics on the number of farm dwellers (as opposed to farm workers, some of whom live on the farms with their families and some of whom do not). Trends towards a reduction in the number of workers and towards off-farm settlement suggest a fairly rapid decline in the number of farm dwellers (Ewert and Hamman 1996;CRLS 2003;du Toit and Ally 2003). Land reform was extended to farm dwellers in the form of limited tenure security and a very minor programme enabling labour tenants to claim land they historically used.…”
Section: Land Reform As a Political Imperativementioning
“…There are no statistics on the number of farm dwellers (as opposed to farm workers, some of whom live on the farms with their families and some of whom do not). Trends towards a reduction in the number of workers and towards off-farm settlement suggest a fairly rapid decline in the number of farm dwellers (Ewert and Hamman 1996;CRLS 2003;du Toit and Ally 2003). Land reform was extended to farm dwellers in the form of limited tenure security and a very minor programme enabling labour tenants to claim land they historically used.…”
Section: Land Reform As a Political Imperativementioning
“…The continued exclusion of Africans from the core on-farm labour force served as a reminder of the quasi-alliance between coloured worker and white farmer. If, like Machiavelli of old, farmers played their political cards right, we concluded, this ethnic alliance could result in a 'corporatist' pact, closing the cracks which had appeared in the paternalist relationship (Ewert and Hamman 1996).…”
Section: The Labour Regime On Western Cape Wine Farms Before the Demomentioning
Neither deregulation, access to international markets, labour and tenure legislation nor the transition to democracy have fundamentally changed the paternalist labour regime on South African wine farms. Power relations remain visibly unequal, i.e. in most cases the farmer still determines, unilaterally, working rules, wages and housing conditions. Worker’ ignorance and passivity and a lack of union resources combine to leave the power of the farmer virtually unchallenged. Nevertheless, legislation has set limits to the length of the working day and created a considerable measure of social security for farm workers. It has reduced worker’ vulnerability and begun effectively to protect them against unfair dismissals, summary evictions and other kinds of arbitrary action on the part of the farmer. Imperfect as law enforcement may be, workers’ newly found protection is almost totally due to the determination on the part of the South African state to put an end to super‐exploitation on the farm. In this respect it differs markedly from many a government in the non‐metropolitan parts of the world who have uncritically embraced neo‐liberalism in the name of competitiveness and globalization.
“…This dual strategy was partly shaped by the actions of workers. Permanent workers, who were mostly coloured, forged an 'ethnic alliance' with white farm owners against black casual workers (Ewert & Hamman, 1996). This clearly helped to solidify farmers' control over permanent workers, while also marginalising casual workers further and diminishing the possibilit y of farm workers organising around common grievances.…”
Section: Downloaded By [University Of Guelph] At 00:03 27 December 2014mentioning
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