La position des clitiques par rapport au verbe à l'impératif dans l'évolution du français

Hirschbühler, Paul

doi:10.4000/rlv.255

Cited by 5 publications

(6 citation statements)

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“…Foulet 1924, Hirschbühler and Labelle 2001, Goldbach 2007 1985: 376ff.). Since the classical period at the latest, in proclitic position, the dative precedes the accusative (il me le donne), except for the case of two third person clitics, while it is the contrary in enclitic position (donne-le-moi).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

A crowdsourcing approach to the description of regional variation in French object clitic clusters

Avanzi

Stark

2017

BJL

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Our contribution is dedicated to the empirical testing of alleged regional variants of object clitic clusters in modern French in France, Belgium and Switzerland. We provide some intriguing new insights into the regional distribution of non-standard variants and discuss one hypothesis on their nature and two hypotheses to explain their coming into being: language-contact (with Francoprovençal, Occitan and Oïl dialects, H1) and/or analogical leveling (H2), on the one hand, and their postsyntactic, rather than syntactic, nature, on the other (H3). Our main results reveal that the three non-standard variants where order in object clitic clusters is concerned are not regionally well-distributed, i.e. the observed distribution does not correspond to any cohesive area. In contrast, only one variant where the selection of the form (me vs. moi) is at issue seems to be regionally confined: it is found in French-speaking Switzerland, in Gascony, plus some rare attestations of it in the North of France. All in all, variation in object clitic clusters indicates a genuinely new geographical articulation of regional French that does not coincide with traditional dialectal areas. A crowdsourcing approach to the description of regional variation in French object clitic clustersOur contribution is dedicated to the empirical testing of alleged regional variants of object clitic clusters in modern French in France, Belgium and Switzerland. We provide some intriguing new insights into the regional distribution of non-standard variants and discuss one hypothesis on their nature and two hypotheses to explain their coming into being: language-contact (with Francoprovençal, Occitan and Oïl dialects, H1) and/or analogical leveling (H2), on the one hand, and their postsyntactic, rather than syntactic, nature, on the other (H3). Our main results reveal that the three non-standard variants where order in object clitic clusters is concerned are not regionally well-distributed, i.e. the observed distribution does not correspond to any cohesive area. In contrast, only one variant where the selection of the form (me vs. moi) is at issue seems to be regionally confined: it is found in French-speaking Switzerland, in Gascony, plus some rare attestations of it in the North of France. All in all, variation in object clitic clusters indicates a genuinely new geographical articulation of regional French that does not coincide with traditional dialectal areas.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

A crowdsourcing approach to the description of regional variation in French object clitic clusters

Avanzi

Stark

2017

BJL

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“…22 Old Italian object clitics in declarative finite sentences 22. Hirschbühler & Labelle (2001) show that with respect to the clitic position in negated imperatives there exists a considerable range of variation in modern French. It might be that the grammatical principles governing the clitic position in imperatives at this stage are in flux.…”

Section: Preverbal Vs Postverbal Clitic Positionsmentioning

confidence: 98%

The Distributed Morphology of Object Clitics in Modern French

Goldbach

2007

Zeitschrift Für Sprachwissenschaft

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In modern French, as in all Romance languages, the combination of two object clitics is subject to rigid ordering and co-occurrence constraints. The present paper shows that constraints of both kinds can be ascribed to systematically operating impoverishment processes in the sense of Distributed Morphology (Bonet 1995;Halle & Marantz 1993) without recourse to templates (cf. Miller & Sag 1997; Perlmutter 1971, etc.). The system that will be presented below is consistent, complete and non-redundant. Thus, it fulfils the essential metatheoretical qualifications of a formal system. The assumption of this paper is that the object clitics are postsyntactically inserted dissociated morphemes that are, prior to further operations kicking in, preverbally linearized. The postposition present in the positive imperative is brought about by another, subsequent, postsyntactic operation, i. e. by local dislocation. Or, put another way, there is an operational level in which the object clitics are arranged before the verb. Only on a downstream operational level do the object clitics move behind the verb.In this article I do not submit any new empirical findings on the modern French clitic system. My aim is to harness the well-known phenomena for modelling them in Distributed Morphology.

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“…With respect to negative imperative sentences, Hirschbühler (2001) establishes a distinction between European and Canadian vernacular varieties. First, in European varieties, ne is optional and the clitic precedes the verb.…”

Section: French Negative Imperativesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The other structure consisting of realising the genitive pronoun post-verbally as in (33.c) could then be analysed as an alternative PF repair strategy allowing for the spelling out of a lower copy of a clitic when the realisation of the highest copy leads to a PF violation. In fact, Hirschbühler (2001) analyses this data by considering that, in imperatives, certain clitics are subject to a residual constraint retained from Old French which specifies that they cannot appear in an initial position (the so-called Tobler-Mussafia effect) 39…”

Section: French Negative Imperativesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Second, in Canadian varieties of vernacular French (as well as in various dialects from the Atlantic coast in France according to Hirschbühler, 2001), there is no difference between positive and negative imperatives: the ne is never realised in imperatives and enclisis is systematic in all cases, as attested by examples in (34.a-b) taken from the ‘Corpus de français parlé au Québec’ (CFPQ): 40 41…”

Section: French Negative Imperativesmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The morpho-syntactic status of ne and its effect on the syntax of imperative sentences

Peters

2013

French Language Studies

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This article argues that there is compelling evidence that French ne, even in dialects that still have this particle, is no longer negative, does not determine the scope of negation with respect to other operators, does not have properties of a head (optionality), and therefore cannot be analysed as the head of NEGP in Modern Standard French. Rather, ne should be considered as an affix merged to a Tense projection (TNSP) endowed with sub-label features of polarity. This article argues that this proposal provides a unified solution for the distributional properties of ne in finite and non-finite contexts alike. It especially provides an explanation for the structure of French negative imperatives, which are characterised by the proclisis of argument clitics (ne le prends pas ‘don't take it’), crucially linked to properties of Tense, as opposed to their enclisis in positive imperatives (prends-le ‘take it’) and in spoken registers where ne is absent (prends-le pas ‘don't take it’).

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La position des clitiques par rapport au verbe à l'impératif dans l'évolution du français

Abstract: La position des clitiques par rapport au verbe à l'impératif dans l'évolution...

Cited by 5 publications

References 0 publications

A crowdsourcing approach to the description of regional variation in French object clitic clusters

A crowdsourcing approach to the description of regional variation in French object clitic clusters

The Distributed Morphology of Object Clitics in Modern French

The morpho-syntactic status of ne and its effect on the syntax of imperative sentences

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