Kyrgyzstan: a Case Study for Conflict Potential

Huskey, Eugene

doi:10.1163/187633297x00103

Cited by 5 publications

(6 citation statements)

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“…Although Kyrgyzstan did not experience the type of overt, generalized, ethno-regional violence that shocked some other parts of the collapsing Soviet empire, ethnic and regional tensions, largely suppressed under most of the Soviet rule, became evident and omnipresent as that rule began to weaken in the late 1980s. While the government of the newly independent country declared a grand goal of building a new unified Kyrgyzstani nation, in practice the ‘nationalizing state’ (Brubaker, 1996) has produced a rising tide of nationalist rhetoric, including vigorous promotion of the language and cultural symbols of the titular group, the Kyrgyz (Huskey, 1997; Laruelle, 2012; Marat, 2008; Wachtel, 2013), paralleling the trends in several other parts of the former empire (e.g. Brubaker, 2011; Isaacs and Polese, 2016; Kolstø and Blakkisrud, 2013; Landau and Kellner-Heinkele, 2001).…”

Section: Contextmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…However, although the new ethno-political reality is being increasingly defined by the majority vs. minority divide, the titular majority, constituting some 70% of the country’s population, is not culturally and politically uniform. While the diversity within Kyrgyz is multidimensional (Huskey, 1997), I focus on what is probably the most prominent regional distinction – between Kyrgyz living in the northern and southern parts of the country. The north–south divide has deep historical roots and its political, social, and economic implications have been widely acknowledged in the literature (e.g.…”

Section: Contextmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Exclusion, violence, and optimism: Ethnic divides in Kyrgyzstan

Agadjanian

2019

Ethnicities

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The nation-building projects in much of post-socialist Eurasia have been characterized by the promotion of ethnic majorities and marginalization of minority groups. In dialogue with the scholarship on nation-building, ethnic exclusion and conflict, and ethnic migration, this study examines individual views on current and future interethnic relations, assessments of prospects for own ethnicity, expectations for future economic changes, and intentions to migrate abroad in the multiethnic nation of Kyrgyzstan. I use nationally representative survey data to model differences in these outcomes across the majority-minorities divides and between regional subgroups of the nation’s ethnic majority. The results show that a native minority that experienced recent ethnic violence has the most negative assessment of current interethnic relations. However, the minority group of outside origin, which never suffered direct violence but whose size and societal preeminence have eroded rapidly, is least optimistic about the future and is most inclined to migrate. Yet, the analyses also detect substantial regional differences within the ethnic majority, underscoring the complexity of historically-rooted ethnocultural and socioeconomic cleavages as well as of more recent political experiences. I interpret these findings within the context of evolving meanings of ethnic identity and national belonging in this rapidly changing society.

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Section: Contextmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Contextmentioning

confidence: 99%

Exclusion, violence, and optimism: Ethnic divides in Kyrgyzstan

Agadjanian

2019

Ethnicities

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“…Since its independence in 1991, Kyrgyzstan has endured spells of political instability and deep economic crisis, which have impoverished large segments of the population (Huskey 1997;Falkingham 2005). Currently about 40% of Kyrgyzstanis are classified as poor, i.e., having consumption expenditures below the official poverty line (NSC of the Kyrgyz Republic 2007; Ruget and Usmanalieva 2008).…”

Section: The Settingmentioning

confidence: 99%

Marriage, childbearing, and migration in Kyrgyzstan: Exploring interdependencies

Nedoluzhko¹,

Agadjanian²

2010

DemRes

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“…Since its independence, Kyrgyzstan has lived through spells of political instability and deep economic crisis, which has impoverished large segments of the population (Huskey 1997, Falkingham 2005). Currently about 40 percent of Kyrgyzstanis can be classified as poor (Ruget and Usmanalieva 2008).…”

Section: The Settingmentioning

confidence: 99%

Marriage, childbearing, and migration in Kyrgyzstan: exploring interdependencies

Nedoluzhko¹,

Agadjanian²

2009

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In our study we investigate interdependencies between entry into a marital union, childbirth, and migration. We apply event-history techniques to retrospective data on women aged 18-29 from a survey conducted in northern Kyrgyzstan in 2005 to examine how these events can influence one another, with a special focus on the effects of duration of exposure. In addition we analyze the impact of some individual characteristics on the propensity to get married, to become a mother, and to migrate. In our analysis we account for several duration dependences ('clocks'). The results illustrate that months since marriage formation is the most important duration variable in the first-birth propensities model. Out-of-wedlock conception is associated with increased marriage risks. Migration is often a part of the family building process: high first-birth propensities of recent migrants as well as high migration risks among pregnant women are due to marriage-related migration.

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Kyrgyzstan: a Case Study for Conflict Potential

Cited by 5 publications

References 0 publications

Exclusion, violence, and optimism: Ethnic divides in Kyrgyzstan

Exclusion, violence, and optimism: Ethnic divides in Kyrgyzstan

Marriage, childbearing, and migration in Kyrgyzstan: Exploring interdependencies

Marriage, childbearing, and migration in Kyrgyzstan: exploring interdependencies

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