Justice and Foreign Rule

Jacob, Daniel

doi:10.1057/9781137452573

Cited by 4 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 46 publications

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“…Nevertheless, he is drawn toward the conclusion that interveners should ‘aim at a democratically elected government’ because modern democracy enables self-determination and ‘offers greater protection [of ethnic minority rights and other human rights] than a regime of oligarchs, patriarchal chiefs, or clerics’ (44). Doyle (2015, 148–49, 166–70) similarly supports postbellum ‘transformational peacebuilding’ aimed at establishing electoral democracy – not in all circumstances, but clearly when domestic groups in divided societies appear unable to negotiate a peace agreement by themselves, and a fortiori to facilitate peaceful self-determination and respect for minority rights after genocide (for similar arguments, see also Stahn 2006; Jacob 2014; Pattison 2015).…”

Section: Political Transformation After Military Interventionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Should humanitarian interveners promote democracy after genocide?

Recchia

2018

Int. Theory

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Scholars and policymakers in the West commonly hold that liberal countries that intervene to stop genocide subsequently ought to establish democratic political institutions to enable peaceful collective self-determination. I argue that this guidance is problematic. First, introducing electoral democracy in deeply ethnically divided societies -especially but not only after genocide -often results in either tyrannical majority rule or deadlocked decision making rather than inclusive self-determination. Second, normatively speaking, John Rawls made a strong case that inclusive self-determination can be achieved through 'decent,' less than democratic political structures that enable group-based representation. Bringing these insights together, I argue that particularly for postgenocidal societies that lack prior experience with liberal democratic rule, outside interveners should stop short of actively promoting full electoral democracy and instead consider promoting hybrid political institutions that combine popularly elected bodies with customary authority structures. Such hybrid institutions can prevent tyrannical majority rule as well as decision-making deadlock. They are also likely to fit better with local culture. Therefore, they may offer a more robust foundation for peaceful self-determination. A discussion of hybrid institutions in postwar Somaliland and Bougainville illustrates how these arrangements can facilitate peaceful self-determination in practice.

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Section: Political Transformation After Military Interventionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…This is required to punish those complicit in the crime of genocide and to enable a new political beginning based on peaceful collective self-determination (see esp. Orend 2002; Bass 2004; but also Stahn 2006; Jacob 2014; Doyle 2015; Pattison 2015). 1…”

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confidence: 99%

Should humanitarian interveners promote democracy after genocide?

Recchia

2018

Int. Theory

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“…Unlike the previous examples, these international administrations make a very broad claim to authority: at least temporarily, they claim the right to assume the role of a state government. 19 Finally, transnational religious organizations constitute an interesting case of international authority. They claim the right to issue binding commands to their members irrespective of where they reside and can very effectively enforce their decisions, primarily by using the threat of social exclusion or stigmatization.…”

Section: International Authoritymentioning

confidence: 99%

International political authority: on the meaning and scope of justified hierarchy in international relations

Voelsen

Schettler

2019

International Relations

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Traditionally, states were widely believed to be the only institutions claiming political authority. More recently, though, a number of authors have argued that we find various instances of political authority on the international level. We discuss three prominent proposals for conceptualizing international authority: Michael Barnett and Martha Finnemore’s account of the authority of international bureaucracies, David Lake’s extension of ‘relational’ authority to the international realm, and Michael Zürn’s recent proposal for ‘reflexive’ authority. These authors provide a nuanced and empirically rich picture of hitherto mostly overlooked forms of power in world politics. Yet, we argue that in doing so they lose sight of the distinctly normative character of political authority relations: these relations are built on the explicit normative claim to the right to rule. When such a claim is considered to be justified, authority relations generate content-independent reasons for compliance. Thus understood, authority serves an important function, namely, to facilitate broadly accepted and normatively justified forms of hierarchical coordination. From a normative perspective, therefore, broadening the concept of authority to include various other forms of power deprives us of a critical yardstick against which international organizations should be evaluated. Moreover, it creates a distorted picture of the scope of international authority. Our world is shaped by highly problematic power relations. Yet, in order to meet current challenges of global governance, we need more, not less authority. To illustrate this argument we examine the case of the World Bank, an organization that exercises considerable power while explicitly avoiding any claim to political authority.

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Workplace Democracy, Market Competition and Republican Self-Respect

Jacob

Neuhäuser

2018

Ethic Theory Moral Prac

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Justice and Foreign Rule

Cited by 4 publications

References 46 publications

Should humanitarian interveners promote democracy after genocide?

Should humanitarian interveners promote democracy after genocide?

International political authority: on the meaning and scope of justified hierarchy in international relations

Workplace Democracy, Market Competition and Republican Self-Respect

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