2008
DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.1156281
|View full text |Cite
|
Sign up to set email alerts
|

Judicial Independence and Party Politics in the Kelsenian Constitutional Courts: The Case of Portugal

Abstract: In this article we test to what extent Kelsenian-type constitutional judges are independent from political parties by studying the Portuguese constitutional court. The results yield three main conclusions. First, constitutional judges in Portugal are quite sensitive to their political affiliations and their political party's presence in government when voting. Second, peer pressure is very relevant. Third, the 1997 reform enacted to increase judicial independence has had no robust statistically significant eff… Show more

Help me understand this report

Search citation statements

Order By: Relevance

Paper Sections

Select...
1
1
1
1

Citation Types

1
17
0

Year Published

2012
2012
2019
2019

Publication Types

Select...
7
1

Relationship

0
8

Authors

Journals

citations
Cited by 18 publications
(18 citation statements)
references
References 20 publications
1
17
0
Order By: Relevance
“…Similar studies have been conducted for European Constitutional Courts, i.e. in civil law countries, and have tended to support a similar conclusion: Justices are less likely to strike down laws passed by the party that appointed them (Amaral-Garcia et al (2009), Garoupa et al (2011), Hoennige (2009). More globally, these studies have contributed to validating the attitudinal theory, which claims that Justices are motivated not only by legal concerns, but also by political and ideological matters.…”
Section: Introductionsupporting
confidence: 62%
“…Similar studies have been conducted for European Constitutional Courts, i.e. in civil law countries, and have tended to support a similar conclusion: Justices are less likely to strike down laws passed by the party that appointed them (Amaral-Garcia et al (2009), Garoupa et al (2011), Hoennige (2009). More globally, these studies have contributed to validating the attitudinal theory, which claims that Justices are motivated not only by legal concerns, but also by political and ideological matters.…”
Section: Introductionsupporting
confidence: 62%
“…Naturally these are not pure categories, and much of the work discussed here seeks to utilize mixed methodologies depending on the particular problem at hand. 7 Understanding the interaction of courts with other organizations in the political space, as in the strategic perspective, has provided important insights into the latent capacity of courts to contribute to democratic politics. Yet it does little to explain instances in which courts do not exercise that capacity, as in Hilbink's account of Chile.…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…It has also been used in other contexts including German and French courts (Honnige 2009), Norway's Supreme Court (Skiple, Grendstad, Shaffer and Waltenburg 2016), the US, UK, Canada and Australia (Alarie and Green 2017) and Portugal (Amaral-Garcia et al 2009) Using the party of the appointer has some difficulties. Not all those who are in the same party have the same preferences -or even consistent preferences across areas of law -so we cannot assume all judges appointed by these parties have the same preferences (Epstein, Landes and Posner 2013;Epstein et al (forthcoming)).…”
Section: How To Measure Ideology?mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…If we are considering constitutional cases, one of the most straightforward specifications is whether the judge found the challenged action, decision or legislation to be unconstitutional. Amaral-Garcia et al (2009), for example, examined whether judges on the Portuguese constitutional court voted for or against the constitutionality of legislation to determine if a judge's vote was influenced by the political party that held a majority in parliament at the time it appointed her. Even then, of course, choices had to be made.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%