Judgment ascriptions

Sæbø, Kjell Johan

doi:10.1007/s10988-009-9063-4

Cited by 60 publications

(19 citation statements)

References 13 publications

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“…The second goal we had was to investigate the connection between typicality and graded membership at the individual level. Because relative gradable adjectives are subjective (Égré, ; Kennedy, ; Sæbø, ), we assessed the CS framework at the individual level by investigating dimensional adjectives for which individual differences in graded membership have already been established (Hersh & Caramazza, ; Verheyen et al., ). We found considerable individual differences in typicality that replicated over different tasks.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Another issue with relative gradable adjectives such as tall , heavy, and expensive is that they show subjectivity (Égré, ; Kennedy, ; Sæbø, ; Verheyen et al., ). For tall and heavy as applied to persons, for example, one can observe reliable differences in the membership degree judgments of different participants (Verheyen et al., ; see also Hersh & Caramazza, on small and large ).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Typicality and Graded Membership in Dimensional Adjectives

Verheyen

Égré

2018

Cognitive Science

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This paper concerns an investigation of the manner in which typicality constrains graded membership in antonymous dimensional adjectives such as short/tall and cheap/expensive using the conceptual spaces framework. In this framework, items are organized in a space comprised of one or more dimensions along which they can be compared. The items' graded membership is established by their relative proximity in this space to the prototypical instances of contrasting concepts. Because dimensional adjectives can be applied to an indefinite variety of things and grammatically have no upper bound to serve as cognitive reference point, they have been argued to lack prototypes. We present the results of an empirical study showing that the conceptual spaces framework can nevertheless be extended successfully to dimensional adjectives by complementing them with a comparison class argument (such as short/tall for an adult man and cheap/expensive for a smartphone), allowing participants to retrieve meaningful prototypical instances, which can be used to establish membership degree. Since dimensional adjectives are subjective, we investigate how the framework can accommodate interindividual variability in membership degree judgments. We find that the predictions of the framework significantly improve if prototypical instances themselves are assumed to come with a gradient instead of being considered equally typical, thereby providing a more fine-grained account of typicality and furthering the development of the conceptual spaces framework.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Typicality and Graded Membership in Dimensional Adjectives

Verheyen

Égré

2018

Cognitive Science

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“…The post-copular noun phrase does not introduce a referent, even when it is definite (see Coppock and Beaver, 2015 for a recent discussion of the use of definite nominals as predicates). A syntactic diagnostic for predicative copular clauses in English that is often appealed to is that the same predication is felicitous in a small clause, without any instance of the copula: The ungrammaticality of examples like (12a), while frequently cited as following from the status of the small clause as an equative, is however already predicted by the fact that consider is a verb that requires its argument proposition to be open to subjective assessment (Saebø, 2009), and presumably being identical to another entity is not even coercible into a subjective predicate. Absolute adjuncts introduced by with are not subject to the same restriction, so that the ungrammaticality of (12b) does not suffer from the same confound 4 .…”

Section: Specificational Copular Clauses: Backgroundmentioning

confidence: 99%

(Morpho)syntactic Variation in Agreement: Specificational Copular Clauses Across Germanic

Hartmann

Heycock

2020

Front. Psychol.

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In this paper we bring together the results of our research into agreement in copular clauses in four different Germanic languages-Dutch, German, Faroese, and Icelandic-in order to provide an overview of the results. These cases present a particularly interesting window into how verbal agreement operates, since there are two potential controllers of agreement, which may disagree in person and/or number (The source of the rumor BE the neighbors/you-sg/you-pl). We will show that there is variation at all levels in which nominal controls agreement: cross-linguistic, inter-speaker within a single language, and intra-speaker. We argue that our data support the following claims: (1) "Downward" agreement for person, as well as number, with a nominal that is not in the canonical subject position is possible and in some cases preferred; (2) The agreement patterns observed in Icelandic and Faroese support the hypothesis that in these languages there are distinct Number and Person heads; (3) "Downward" agreement from a high position in the left-periphery is a grammatically distinct phenomenon from agreement when the verb remains in a lower position in the clause; (4) In some languages and some configurations, speakers show a significant degree of indeterminacy in their judgments and production, suggesting that speakers use more than one grammar. We relate our findings to current discussions in the generative literature on subject agreement and in particular differences between number and person agreement, and possible connections to restrictions on object clitics; we also discuss questions that remain open, and invite new, cross-disciplinary research.

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“…The traditional analysis of veel A as a quantifier does not predict the well-formedness of (20b); because of the unfamiliar concept of a distributive adjective, it is impossible to tell what the traditional analysis would predict for vele Nl in (20c). The scalarity of veel A is also reflected in its judge-dependence (see Saebø 2009 andagain Bylinina 2013). Unlike vele Nl (and similar quantifiers and numerals) veel A may appear embedded under a 'subjective' attitude verb.…”

Section: Veel a As A Gradable Adjectivementioning

confidence: 99%

Two Dutch <i>many</i> ’s and the structure of pseudo-partitives

Ruys

2017

Volume 2

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This article discusses the syntax and semantics of Dutch pseudo-partitive constructions with measure nouns, such as drie liter water 'three liters of water'. The major empirical puzzle is the distribution of two Dutch instances of many/much: veel and vele. Unlike earlier proposals, I analyze veel as a gradable adjective, and vele as a numeral. It turns out that in pseudo-partitives with pure measure readings, only vele can freely occur (veel liters water only allows a marked "liter-bottle" reading). This is puzzling, because veel is otherwise allowed both with mass and count terms, and both in the singular and in the plural. I adopt the more-or-less standard right-branching syntax for Dutch pseudo-partitives (providing some new arguments for its correctness), and propose a semantics for measure nouns which, in combination with Ionin & Matushansky's semantics for cardinals, correctly characterizes these constructions and explains where pure measure readings occur. I then show that my analysis correctly derives the behavior of veel and vele in these constructions, given their characterization as a gradable adjective and a numeral.

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Judgment ascriptions

Cited by 60 publications

References 13 publications

Typicality and Graded Membership in Dimensional Adjectives

Typicality and Graded Membership in Dimensional Adjectives

(Morpho)syntactic Variation in Agreement: Specificational Copular Clauses Across Germanic

Two Dutch <i>many</i> ’s and the structure of pseudo-partitives

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