“Josh Wears Pink Cleats”: Inclusive Masculinity on the Soccer Field

Abstract

In this ethnographic research of a college-based soccer team at a large liberal college in Northeast America, I document the existence of more inclusive versions of masculinity that contrast conventional understandings of male teamsport athletes. Using participant observation and 21 in-depth interviews, I show that these men demonstrate metrosexual and inclusive behaviors and attitudes. The styles of masculinity these men enact are more relaxed, liberal, and inclusive; they are well styled, well groomed, gay friendly, and they are emotionally and physically close to other men. They are far removed from the traditional orthodox sporting masculinities of previous generations. Symbolizing their difference, their gendered expressions also extend to the wearing of pink soccer boots (cleats), without homophobic judgment from teammates. I discuss the wearing of pink cleats as a symbolic sociological moment, revealing the changing nature of masculinities among this group of college-based soccer players.

Teachers' stories: physical education teachers' constructions and experiences of masculinity within secondary school physical education

“…Adolescent boys are offering emotional support to their friends (Zorn & Gregory, 2005), being physically tactile and engaging in a variety of clothing styles previously only afforded to women (Adams, 2011). Gay youth are largely not bullied for their sexuality; instead, they are embraced and included in social networks, something these PE teachers' accounts supported.…”

“…Rather it is recognition that a significant proportion of western society now Although sport was traditionally considered as an environment that reproduced an orthodox masculinity, many of today's athletes are demonstrating a softer and expanded notion of masculine performances that are indicative of inclusive masculinity (Anderson & White, 2015). Through ethnographic research, inclusive masculinity scholars have documented feminised tastes (Adams, 2011), increased homosocial tactility , decreased misogyny (Anderson & McGuire, 2010), emotional support and bromances (Anderson, 2014;Zorn & Gregory, 2005) and the intellectualisation of pro-gay sentiments (Magrath et al, 2014). Yet these findings are reflective of athletes under 25 years of age, with notable exceptions (Cleland, 2014) The teachers primarily taught PE to boys only.…”

“…In contemporary western culture, in general, young men are not worried to be associated with homosexuality or feminised taste, and are subsequently afforded an expanding variety of acceptable (even celebrated) gender performances. In other words, homophobia has lost its authority in the policing of masculinities; and as Anderson (2014), McCormack (2012 and colleagues have shown (Adams, 2011;Roberts, 2013) acceptable masculinities have subsequently transformed.…”

“…Through the notion of homohysteria, Anderson (2014) and others (Adams, 2011;Cleland, 2014;Murray & White, Forthcoming) have evidenced that as cultural disdain of homosexuality reduces, a wider range of boys' behaviours are socially endorsed. Accordingly, boys today are able to engage in behaviours previously ascribed as feminine, without damaging their masculine identity or popularity status (McCormack, 2012).…”

Degrees of Masculinity: Working and Middle-Class Undergraduate Students’ Constructions of Masculine Identities

“…It does so in ways that reify forms of masculinity (arguably demonstrating a misuse of the original concept) and ignoring its positive aspects. While Ingram has attempted to theorise these complexities using Bourdieu (see Ingram 2014) other researchers have developed the concept of inclusive masculinity to account for the performance of non-hegemonic masculinity (Adams 2011;Coad 2008;Cashmere and Cleland 2012;Peterson and Anderson 2012). In this chapter we critique inclusive masculinity theory and argue that it does not account for the complex nuances of issues relating to changes in acceptable forms of masculinity.…”