Job Precariousness and Political Orientations: The Case of Italy

Farewell to the rightist self-employed? ‘New self-employment’ and political alignments

“…This understanding of self-interest involves that welfare consumers (or, at least potential consumers) would be more likely to support welfare policies (Kangas, 1997;Reeskens and Van Oorschot, 2011): People who generally run higher risks of being unemployed or otherwise not being able to provide for themselves are assumed to support welfare and governmental redistribution because they may need protection themselves in the future (Corbetta and Colloca, 2013;Marx, 2014;Marx and Picot, 2013). Along these lines, recent studies comparing temporary and permanent workers have suggested that temporary workers are more likely to support (new) left-wing parties (Corbetta and Colloca, 2013;Marx, 2014;Marx and Picot, 2013;Emmenegger et al, 2015). Following this line of thought, the political preferences of people in new selfemployment might be similar to others in ''non-standard'' work relationships.…”

Precariousness, youth and political participation: the emergence of a new political cleavage

“…Only few studies examine the political attitudes and voting preferences of precarious workers based on single or cross-national case studies (Bay and Blekesaune 2002;Corbetta and Colloca 2013).…”

“…Precariousness, in fact, represents nowadays an oft-invoked discursive framework in the media and in the political debate (Doerr et al 2015). Focusing on Italian precarious workers' political attitudes, Corbetta and Colloca (2013) found that precarious workers are different from their counterparts holding open-ended contracts or being unemployed: 'They did not share with unemployed people this feeling of political disillusion; in addition, they appeared ideologically to be the most leftist group (slightly more leftist than regular workers)' (Corbetta and Colloca 2013: 16).…”

Paro y voto: ¿afecta al voto la experiencia de desempleo?

“…Finalmente, en la literatura hay referencias a efectos del paro que no se pueden reducir a los modelos de castigo/recompensa o de voto orientado a políticas; por ejemplo, cuando se sostiene que los parados tienden a la radicalización ideológica y electoral (Kornhauser, 1960;Clark, 1985;De Witte, 1992) (Banks y Ullah, 1987;Gallie, 1993;Corbetta y Colloca, 2013) o están sobrerrepresentados en el electorado de algunos partidos de extrema derecha o ajenos al establisment (Lubbers y Scheepers, 2000Mughan et al, 2003). En definitiva, la investigación sobre voto económico no ha producido generalizaciones empíricas sólidas sobre la relación entre experiencia de desempleo y voto, sino tan solo hipótesis tentativas que poner a prueba en nuevos contextos.…”

“…Esto sería congruente con los principales modelos explicativos del activismo político, que atribuyen un papel central a tres elementos: recursos, normas y actitudes políticas, y demandas de movilización canalizadas a través de redes sociales (Verba et al, 1995;Rosenstone y Hansen, 1993); todos ellos pueden dar lugar a diferencias entre los niveles de participación de quienes tienen empleo y quienes carecen de él (Schur, 2003). Bastantes estudios dan apoyo a esta hipótesis, aunque la falta de activismo de los parados podría deberse en parte a su composición (Schlozman y Verba, 1979;Scott y Acock, 1979;Rosenstone, 1982;Marshall et al, 1988;Anderson 2001;Gallego, 2007;Giugni y Lorenzini, 2010;Corbetta y Colloca, 2013).…”