“…Focused on the decades after the Sino‐Soviet split of 1961 yielded what Jeremy Friedman (2015) termed a Shadow Cold War , Sun's paper speaks also to contemporary debates about climate change, architectural design air‐conditioning and welfare (themes considered too in the paper by Rituraj Neog, 2024, in this issue). Hence Sun (2023: 534) concludes by asking:how did the narrow understandings of thermal comfort become so globally dominant?…”
Section: Category Best Graduate Student Paper Best Overall Papermentioning
“…Focused on the decades after the Sino‐Soviet split of 1961 yielded what Jeremy Friedman (2015) termed a Shadow Cold War , Sun's paper speaks also to contemporary debates about climate change, architectural design air‐conditioning and welfare (themes considered too in the paper by Rituraj Neog, 2024, in this issue). Hence Sun (2023: 534) concludes by asking:how did the narrow understandings of thermal comfort become so globally dominant?…”
Section: Category Best Graduate Student Paper Best Overall Papermentioning
“…Nel 1960 le relazioni tra i due maggiori partiti comunisti del mondo peggioravano ulteriormente e i sovietici decidevano di interrompere i piani di sostegno economico alla Cina, ritirando i tecnici impegnati nei progetti di cooperazione e accrescendo così le difficoltà di un regime assediato a est e a sud dagli Stati Uniti e dai loro alleati asiatici (Barnett 1960(Barnett , 1977Blum 1982;Fetzer 1989;Brazinsky 2017). Negli anni successivi, in un contesto che si contraddistingueva, oltre che per le tensioni interne al partito, anche per un crescente isolamento internazionale della Repubblica popolare cinese, Pechino falliva nel tentativo di portare dalla sua parte i partiti comunisti "fratelli" e, poi, di promuovere scissioni per dar luogo a una galassia di formazioni marxiste-leniniste fedeli (Friedman 2010(Friedman , 2015. Tra quelli al potere, in Europa potevano dirsi filo-cinesi solo gli esponenti del Partito del lavoro di Albania, mentre in Asia la Cina contava sulla solidarietà -aleatoria e, in ultima istanza, non disinteressata -di nord vietnamiti e nord coreani.…”
Section: Mosca E Pechino: Dall'alleanza Alla Lotta Per L'egemoniaunclassified
“…This process of “de‐internationalization” indicates the existence of a preceding “internationalist” period, the late Mao era, which negated nationalism in discourse. Though this period was interpreted as Beijing's competition with Moscow for the leadership of the international communist movement (Friedman, 2015; Luthi, 2008; Shen, 2011), this race was never framed as nationalism or patriotism in the CCP's official language. Rather, a survey of the CCP's propaganda shows that the use of “patriotism” almost disappeared in Mao's final decade (Zhou, 2014).…”
Section: The Rise Of Nationalism In Chinamentioning
Many scholars note that since the early 1990s, the CCP has been invoking Chinese nationalism to rescue the party's declining ideological legitimacy. Probing China's political indoctrination (thought work), this article makes two contributions to such conventional consensus. First, empirically it argues that the rise of nationalism in the 1990s was not altogether new. Instead, from the early 1980s, the CCP had been switching to “patriotism.” Second, this article argues that the communist regime's transition to nationalism was hesitant. It was an interactive process whereby multiple layers of the society and elite, confused alike, worked together to explore whether and how to embrace nationalism. The nation‐building also bore the imprint of the revolutionary and state‐socialist past. This article suggests that though the nation‐state has become the dominant political format of the world, as a pattern it fuses with a society's traditions, preconditions, and internal struggles. Such fusions made nation‐building in the non‐Western world unseparated from quasi‐national legacies such as revolution and socialism and could yield consequences other than capitalism and democracy.
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