Abstract:Recent research in the arena of campaign advertising suggests that emotional appeals can influence political attitudes, electoral choices and decision-making processes (Brader 2006;Marcus, Neuman and MacKuen 2000; Redlawsk, Civettini and Lau 2007). Yet is there any evidence that candidates use emotional appeals strategically during campaigns? Is there a pattern to their use? For instance, are fear appeals used primarily late in the campaign by trailing candidates in order to get voters to rethink their choices… Show more
“…The moderating role of a priori attitudes found in Experiment 2 suggests as much. Corroborating evidence comes from an experimental study that found a strong effect of an anger‐inducement manipulation on a measure of political participation (Valentino et al, , Study 1, see also Marcus et al, ; Ridout & Searles, ). However, the present results suggest that expressing anger can be a double‐edged sword.…”
Anger expression is increasingly prevalent in political news messages. However, the persuasive effects of expressing anger in a political context have received scant attention from researchers. We conducted two experiments to investigate the hypothesis that anger expression is detrimental to persuasion because it runs counter to well‐established social norms for the polite expression of opinions. We created political news messages including a persuasive appeal by a politician that was supported either with an expression of anger or with an expression of nonemotional disagreement. The results of Experiment 1 (N = 120) showed that anger messages were perceived as less appropriate than control messages, and that politicians expressing anger were perceived as less likable and less competent than politicians who disagreed in nonemotional terms. In Experiment 2 (N = 1,005), the negative effects of anger expression on perceived likability and competence were replicated. Also in line with Experiment 1, anger messages were perceived as less appropriate, but this time only for those with negative a priori attitudes toward the advocated position. In contrast, those with positive a priori positions toward the advocated position perceived anger messages as more appropriate than the control messages.
“…The moderating role of a priori attitudes found in Experiment 2 suggests as much. Corroborating evidence comes from an experimental study that found a strong effect of an anger‐inducement manipulation on a measure of political participation (Valentino et al, , Study 1, see also Marcus et al, ; Ridout & Searles, ). However, the present results suggest that expressing anger can be a double‐edged sword.…”
Anger expression is increasingly prevalent in political news messages. However, the persuasive effects of expressing anger in a political context have received scant attention from researchers. We conducted two experiments to investigate the hypothesis that anger expression is detrimental to persuasion because it runs counter to well‐established social norms for the polite expression of opinions. We created political news messages including a persuasive appeal by a politician that was supported either with an expression of anger or with an expression of nonemotional disagreement. The results of Experiment 1 (N = 120) showed that anger messages were perceived as less appropriate than control messages, and that politicians expressing anger were perceived as less likable and less competent than politicians who disagreed in nonemotional terms. In Experiment 2 (N = 1,005), the negative effects of anger expression on perceived likability and competence were replicated. Also in line with Experiment 1, anger messages were perceived as less appropriate, but this time only for those with negative a priori attitudes toward the advocated position. In contrast, those with positive a priori positions toward the advocated position perceived anger messages as more appropriate than the control messages.
“…With this in mind, are the candidates’ personality profiles associated with their use of negativity and emotionality? Research on the strategic reasons for competing candidates to go negative (and emotional) is widespread (e.g., Nai and Walter ; Ridout and Searles ), but virtually nothing is known about whether campaigning is also driven by the personality of candidates. And yet, good reasons exist that it should, as growing evidence suggests that personality and communication behavior are strongly associated (de Vries et al ).…”
Section: Empirical Evidencementioning
confidence: 99%
“…On the one hand, if the electoral effectiveness of negative campaigning techniques is still contested (Lau, Sigelman, and Rovner 2007), mounting evidence seems to suggest that negativity is associated with unintentional systemic effects, for instance, depressed turnout and mobilization (Ansolabehere and Iyengar 1995) or increased cynicism, apathy, and a gloomier public mood (Yoon, Pinkleton, and Ko 2005). On the other hand, the use of emotional elements in campaigning (Brader 2006;Ridout and Searles 2011) starts from the assumption that feelings and emotions act as powerful determinants of attitudinal behavior (Marcus and MacKuen 1993;Marcus, Neuman, and MacKuen 2000): anxious citizens are likely to pay more attention to information and campaigns, which makes them easier targets for persuasion (Nai, Schemeil, and Marie 2017); enthusiastic citizens are more likely to get invested and participate (Marcus and MacKuen, 1993), but they do so by relying strongly on their previously held partisan beliefs and attitudes (Marcus, Neuman, and MacKuen 2000).…”
A common narrative portrays Donald Trump as impetuous and quick to anger, thin skinned, constantly lying, brazen, vulgar, and boasting a grandiose sense of self and his accomplishments. Little systematic evidence exists that this is the case, however. With a novel data set based on expert ratings, we (1) provide systematic empirical evidence about Trump’s personality profile, (2) contrast his profile with 21 other populist leaders and 82 mainstream candidates having competed in recent elections worldwide, and (3) discuss the implications of such an extreme profile in terms of campaigning style and the use of negative and emotional campaigns. Our results illustrate Trump’s off‐the‐charts personality and campaigning style and suggest that even when compared with other abrasive, narcissistic, and confrontational political figures, he stands out as an outlier among the outliers. We conclude by discussing the implications and potential outcomes of such an extreme personality profile for Trump’s policy style and achievements while in office.
“…Another reason that I focus on positive emotions is that parties engage in more positive campaigning than negative campaigning to target copartisan voters. Studies in the United States show that positive ads are more effective than negative ads for mobilization (Brader ) and that parties use enthusiastic appeals to mobilize the base (Ridout and Searles ). In addition, on page 9 of the supporting information (SI), I show that the campaign texts I analyze in the empirical section contain only a few negative moral appeals.…”
How does parties' use of moral rhetoric affect voter behavior? Prior comparative party research has studied party positions without much attention to how parties explain and justify their positions. Drawing insights from political and moral psychology, I argue that moral rhetoric mobilizes copartisan voters by activating positive emotions about their partisan preference. I expect this to hold among copartisans who are exposed to party rhetoric. To test my argument, I measure moral rhetoric by text‐analyzing party manifestos from six English‐speaking democracies and measure mobilization using copartisan turnout in survey data. The results support my argument. Furthermore, I find evidence in support of the theoretical mechanism using survey experiments and panel survey data from Britain. The article shows that moral rhetoric is a party campaign frame that has important consequences for voter behavior.
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