‘[It’s] like a rubber band.’ Assessing UNSCR 1325 as a gender mainstreaming process

Abstract

The principal aim of gender mainstreaming is to achieve gender equality by implementing gender as a central component at all levels within the UN system. Previous work has focused on gender mainstreaming as an abstract concept, whereas this paper empirically examines efforts to implement UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325) and by doing so evaluates the process of mainstreaming. This paper suggests that gender mainstreaming has limited potential to achieve gender empowerment and equality. A lack of benchmarks and targets within UNSCR 1325 undermines the Security Council’s commitment to women’s experiences of armed conflict. Gender mainstreaming has largely not been implemented at a macro-level (within the UN), although at a micro-level, civil society organisations have made some attempts to use UNSCR 1325 to achieve gender empowerment. Ultimately, however, UNSCR 1325 is not radical enough to be used as a transformative gender mainstreaming tool.

Reconceptualizing Gender, Reinscribing Racial-Sexual Boundaries in International Security: The Case of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on “Women, Peace and Security”1

“…There is evidence that 1325 is a strategic tool for women activists in conflict zones, enabling them to speak to a range of officials and to make demands for inclusion and recognition (Cohn 2008; Barrow 2009; Farr 2011; McLeod 2011; Owen 2011; Pratt 2011). Moreover, 1325 and subsequent resolutions contain within them contradictions and tensions regarding women’s agency that may, in certain contexts, be exploited strategically for the benefit of women activists and notions of gender security (McLeod 2011; Shepherd 2011).…”

Broadening understanding of accountability ecosystems in sexual and reproductive health and rights: A systematic review

“…Furthermore, the studies related to legal accountability detailed how national policies and national legal systems increasingly play a role in delivering accountability [ 36 ]. A number of studies revolve around decision-making processes and the implementation of laws, policies, programmes and guidelines [ 23 – 25 , 26 , 37 , 54 , 55 ]. Another set of studies focus on civil society organisations, preparing or bringing cases on the violations of sexual and reproductive health and rights before court [ 35 , 40 , 42 – 43 , 46 , 51 ].…”

“…Other reported outcomes found in the review relate to changes in the content of policies or in the pace or progress of implementation. For example, gender laws in Nepal and Sri Lanka were modified [ 37 ] as a result of civil society demands, and a court in the Indian state of Madhya Pradesh ordered the immediate implementation of maternal death audits [ 43 ].…”

Social accountability for reproductive, maternal, newborn, child and adolescent health: A review of reviews

“…documented how national policies and legal systems play a role in delivering accountability, including the role of CSOs in preparing or bringing cases on SRHR violations before a court. In specific examples, a court in the Indian state of Madhya Pradesh ordered the immediate implementation of maternal death audits [ 51 ] and gender laws in Nepal and Sri Lanka were modified as a result of civil society demands [ 52 ]. Martin Hilber et al .…”

“…For example, Van Belle et al documented how national policies and legal systems play a role in delivering accountability, including the role of CSOs in preparing or bringing cases on SRHR violations before a court. In specific examples, a court in the Indian state of Madhya Pradesh ordered the immediate implementation of maternal death audits [51] and gender laws in Nepal and Sri Lanka were modified as a result of civil society demands [52]. Martin Hilber et al also documented the use of national-level social accountability mechanisms, such as an Independent Accountability Mechanism (NIAM) run by an independent civil society-led Expert Review Group (iERG) in Nigeria to track MNH commitments and action plans [53].…”