Issues in the syntax of DP in Romance and Germanic

Mallén, Enrique

doi:10.1515/9783110850536.39

Cited by 6 publications

(11 citation statements)

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“…in HPSG terms, auxiliaries can take any COMPS list which the grammar makes available. Setting up the syntax this way will generate all of the examples exhibited by Miller (2014a), as this analysis does not make the predictions (i), (ii), and (iii). But it leads, of course, to massive syntactic overgeneration.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 89%

“…Miller (2014a) cites naturally occurring examples from the COCA that constitute counterexamples to each of these predictions (see, e.g. his examples of locality violation (12a–f) 6 and absence of a syntactically identical antecedent (16a–c)).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…his examples of locality violation (12a–f) 6 and absence of a syntactically identical antecedent (16a–c)). Of specific interest to the present paper are the examples of connectivity violations in (4a) and (4b) (in Miller 2014a: ex. (15a) and (16) respectively), to which we add further examples found in the COCA, (4c) and (4d):

These examples are intuitively highly acceptable, yet in (4a), the remnant is a PP[of], whereas the correlate is a PP[about]; similarly, in (4b), (4c) and (4d), the remnant is a PP[to] complement of give or tell , whereas the correlate is the first NP direct object in the double direct object construction.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Remnant connectivity in pseudogapping: Experimental evidence for a direct generation approach

Poppels¹,

Miller²

2022

J. Ling.

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This paper reports the results of two acceptability judgment experiments that examine the effect of PP remnants with mismatching correlates in the antecedent clause (either a PP, with a distinct preposition, or an NP) on the acceptability of pseudogapping as well as non-elliptical controls. Across both experiments, three novel findings emerge: First, utterances with mismatching PPs across the ellipsis clause and its antecedent were consistently degraded relative to their preposition-matched counterparts. Second, this mismatch penalty arose for elliptical and non-elliptical variants alike with only minor differences between the two. Finally, a significant portion of the mismatch penalties was explained away by the degree of semantic similarity between the thematic relations established by the mismatching prepositions with respect to the antecedent verb which was measured in a separate norming experiment. We examine the consequences of these new empirical results for current theories of pseudogapping, namely (i) the remnant-raising analysis, according to which the remnant XP is raised leftward out of the VP prior to VP ellipsis, licensed under identity with its antecedent; and (ii) the direct generation analysis, under which auxiliaries are verbal proforms that recover their referent anaphorically without the need for remnant movement or syntactic identity between the verb and its antecedent. We conclude that the data are more naturally accounted for under the direct generation approach.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 89%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 1 more Smart Citation

Remnant connectivity in pseudogapping: Experimental evidence for a direct generation approach

Poppels¹,

Miller²

2022

J. Ling.

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“…This N is empty and is coindexed with the NP that is the subject of the small clause, (61b). Sánchez (1996) and Mallén (2001) argue specifically for a PredP as the base structure of postnominal adjectives inside the DP (see Alexiadou et al 2007;Demonte 2011 for overviews). If an analysis of this type is assumed for (60), the different readings of the adjectives receive a straightforward explanation according to our proposal, since the relative/absolute character of the adjective is triggered by the DegP.…”

Section: Variable and Invariable Behavior Of Adjectives With Respect mentioning

confidence: 99%

Comparison classes and the relative/absolute distinction: a degree-based compositional account of the ser/estar alternation in Spanish

Molina

Moreno-Quibén

Pérez-Jiménez

2015

Nat Lang Linguist Theory

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The notion of comparison class has figured prominently in recent analyses of the gradability properties of adjectives. We assume that the comparison class is introduced by the degree morphology of the adjective and present a new proposal where comparison classes are crucial to explain the distribution of adjectives in Spanish copular sentences headed by the verbs ser 'be SER ' and estar 'be ESTAR '. The copula estar 'be ESTAR ' appears whenever a gradable adjective merges with a within-individual comparison class, a modifier expressing a property of stages. The copular verb ser 'be SER ' appears when a gradable adjective merges with a between-individuals comparison class, a modifier expressing a property of individuals. The distinction between relative and absolute adjectives can be reduced to the semantic properties of the modifier expressing the comparison class that is merged in the functional structure of the adjective.

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“…and head-to-head movement (e.g. Mallén 2001). The second approach, couched in the minimalist paradigm, characterizes agreement in purely configurational terms, without requirements of movement.…”

Section: The Syntactic Basis For 'Creeping' Number and Gender Concordmentioning

confidence: 99%

Decreolization as emergent grammar(s)

Lipski

2011

JPCL

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A restructured variety of Spanish spoken by small communities of Afro-descendents in Bolivia differs from modern Spanish in exhibiting no noun-adjective agreement for gender or number. Only a few individuals continue to speak this most basilectal variety; the majority of speakers exhibit at least some gender and number concord, in a fashion that proceeds generally rightward, from determiners and other prenominal modifiers to head nouns, postnominal modifiers, and predicate nominatives/adjectives. Number concord (plural marking) usually appears before gender concord in mesolectal varieties, and occurs at a higher rate than gender concord across the entire range of Afro-Bolivian speakers. A variationist analysis based on a corpus of recorded material suggests that this gradual emergence of (feminine) gender and plural marking represents a systematic form of decreolization governed largely by structural principles, namely the stepwise activation of agreement projections. Decreolization is represented as a series of nested intermediate grammars, each of which properly contains the preceding one(s).

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Issues in the syntax of DP in Romance and Germanic

Cited by 6 publications

References 0 publications

Remnant connectivity in pseudogapping: Experimental evidence for a direct generation approach

Remnant connectivity in pseudogapping: Experimental evidence for a direct generation approach

Comparison classes and the relative/absolute distinction: a degree-based compositional account of the ser/estar alternation in Spanish

Decreolization as emergent grammar(s)

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