Issue Salience and Norm Change in New Democracies

Dinas, Elias; Martínez, Sergi; Valentim, Vicente

doi:10.2139/ssrn.3516831

Cited by 4 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 25 publications

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“…One question raised by this conclusion is to what extent these findings are likely to travel beyond the German case. On the one hand, previous research has shown that democracies tend to create norms against parties with affinities to previous dictatorships (Dinas and Northmore-Ball 2019;Dinas, Martínez, and Valentim 2020). This is even more likely in Germany, given the particularly devastating consequences of the Nazi regime the country witnessed.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 98%

Does Radical-Right Success Make the Political Debate More Negative?

Valentim

Widmann

2020

Preprint

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Political rhetoric has important effects on the quality of democracy, but we know very little about what causes variation in the tone of the political debate. We investigate how radical-right success affects the way the remaining politicians discuss political issues. Using an original dictionary, we measure different positive and negative emotions in a newly collected dataset of speeches in German state parliaments. Taking advantage of variation in the timing of elections when radical-right politicians enter these parliaments, we find that politicians of other parties respond to radical-right success by using more positive, instead of negative, emotions. A mix of quantitative and qualitative analyses suggest that the increase in positive emotions is used strategically for politicians to distance themselves from radical-right discourse. Our findings highlight how radical-right success can create incentives for other politicians to enforce norms that radical-right politicians breach.

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 98%

Does Radical-Right Success Make the Political Debate More Negative?

Valentim

Widmann

2020

Preprint

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“…In recent years, some pro-independence people have increasingly displayed secessionist flags outside of their homes (Parravano et al, 2015). In addition, the display of Spanish flags within Catalonia and other parts of Spain since the 1 October 2017 referendum has increased; Dinas, Martínez & Valentim (2020) provide systematic evidence about the increase in display of Spanish flags in Madrid. See Online appendix Part G for balance tests.…”

mentioning

confidence: 80%

Secessionist conflict and affective polarization: Evidence from Catalonia

Balcells

Kuo

2022

Journal of Peace Research

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Can secessionism be a basis for affective or social polarization? Despite much research on independence movements, their relationship to polarization, a key mechanism theorized as increasing the risk of violent conflict, remains less understood. We argue that the issue of secession can affectively polarize along both policy and ethnic group lines even in the case of nonviolent disputes, and posit a number of expectations regarding such secessionist-based polarization. We test our argument with the case of Catalonia, a substate territory that has experienced a deep secessionist crisis since 2017, using new data from a panel survey and embedded experiments fielded across two key time periods. We find that individuals’ secessionist preferences condition high levels of affective polarization, in that pro- and anti-independence advocates have strong negative views of one another. In addition, there is spillover in terms of stereotypes of associated language groups (i.e. Catalan, Spanish). Importantly, we find a group of moderates in between the two policy poles that exhibit far less polarization. Finally, we document the persistence of these overall patterns. Our results contribute to understanding the underexplored polarization dynamics of secessionist movements, particularly in contexts where high intensity violence (e.g. terrorism, civil war) has not occurred.

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“…The display of the Spanish national flag has been a subject of controversy due to its historical association with Franco's regime (Muñoz 2012). Spanish nationalists, in response to the outgroup threat posed by the 2017 independence referendum in Catalonia, adopted the practice of displaying the Spanish flag on balconies (Dinas et al 2020). Opposition to Catalan independence has not been the only way in which the flag has been used in Spain in opposition to specific groups or causes.…”

Section: Empiricsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The war on flags: The opposition to state-sponsored LGBTQ+ symbols

López Ortega

2024

Research & Politics

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Negativity against LGBTQ+ and gender equality symbols is escalating across Western European countries, including those at the forefront of sexual modernism. Drawing on data from Spain, this paper theorizes and finds that state-sponsored LGBTQ+ symbols receive significantly more negativity than other aspects of LGBTQ+ issues related to general and specific attitudes toward formal rights. The negativity is primarily explained by support for Vox, a radical right-wing party, and age. The study provides insights into the complexities of public opinion surrounding LGBTQ+ symbols, offering a nuanced understanding of the challenges faced by the LGBTQ+ community in terms of acceptance and visibility. Furthermore, it highlights the influence of political affiliations and generational factors in shaping these attitudes.

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Issue Salience and Norm Change in New Democracies

Cited by 4 publications

References 25 publications

Does Radical-Right Success Make the Political Debate More Negative?

Does Radical-Right Success Make the Political Debate More Negative?

Secessionist conflict and affective polarization: Evidence from Catalonia

The war on flags: The opposition to state-sponsored LGBTQ+ symbols

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