Abstract:Early Modern English Drama and the Islamic World Islam and English Drama: A Critical History Though it may seem to be a recent phenomenon, scholarly interest in Islam and early modern English drama goes back almost a hundred years to Louis Wann's 'The Oriental in Elizabethan Drama' (1915) and Warner Grenelle Rice's 'Turk, Moor, and Persian in English Literature' (1927). 1 In its exhaustive scope, Rice's unpublished dissertation anticipates Samuel C. Chew's The Crescent and the Rose (1937), which is usually see… Show more
“…In the later sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, there were dozens of plays and pageants about Turks and Moors in England . Linda McJannet, Patricia Parker, Ania Loomba and Jonathan Burton have shown that the depictions of Muslims on the early modern stage were ‘far more nuanced, fluid, and ambivalent than previously reported’ (McJannet 186). On the one hand, Patricia Parker's and Jonathan Burton's analyses of early modern texts about conversions from Christianity to Islam and vice versa demonstrate that both Muslims and converts to Islam were often depicted as dangerous, violent, lustful, greedy, vain, ambitious, superstitious, deceitful, preposterous and unnatural (Burton, ‘English Anxiety and the Muslim Power of Conversion’ 59) or, especially in civic pageants, as ‘generous, tractable puppet[s]’ and potential Christians who ‘vindicate and encourage’ Christian missionary and mercantile interests (Burton, Traffic and Turning 180).…”
Section: Dramatic Representations Of Islam In Early Modern Englandmentioning
Recent research in the field of early modern representations of the Islamic world has shown that the conceptions of Self and Other in the early modern period were more ambiguous and fluid than in later Orientalist discourse. This article seeks to place Fulke Greville's tragedy Mustapha (published in 1609 and in 1633 in different versions) in the context of critical discussions about English representations of Muslims and the Islamic world during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and shows that it contributes to the great variety of portrayals of Muslims in early modern English drama. Jonathan Burton has commented on the tragedy's expression of religious and political tolerance and has explained it mainly as an 'accident of the story' (Burton, Traffic and Turning 193). This article probes into this 'accident of the story' and explores the source material, which was available to Greville. It demonstrates that Greville's nuanced portrayal of Muslims is the outcome of his creative appropriation of his sources and of contemporary representations of Muslims and the Ottoman Empire, especially of its practices of power. In the following, Mustapha is not discussed primarily with regard to its representation of morally depraved or admirable Muslims because these categories over-simplify the varied portrayal of Muslims in early modern English drama in general. Instead, this article shows that the significance of Greville's appropriation of his source material for the tragedy as a whole lies in his discussion of the political and philosophical implications of an event in Ottoman history. The following analysis seeks to demonstrate that this discussion resists aesthetic as well as political closure.
“…In the later sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, there were dozens of plays and pageants about Turks and Moors in England . Linda McJannet, Patricia Parker, Ania Loomba and Jonathan Burton have shown that the depictions of Muslims on the early modern stage were ‘far more nuanced, fluid, and ambivalent than previously reported’ (McJannet 186). On the one hand, Patricia Parker's and Jonathan Burton's analyses of early modern texts about conversions from Christianity to Islam and vice versa demonstrate that both Muslims and converts to Islam were often depicted as dangerous, violent, lustful, greedy, vain, ambitious, superstitious, deceitful, preposterous and unnatural (Burton, ‘English Anxiety and the Muslim Power of Conversion’ 59) or, especially in civic pageants, as ‘generous, tractable puppet[s]’ and potential Christians who ‘vindicate and encourage’ Christian missionary and mercantile interests (Burton, Traffic and Turning 180).…”
Section: Dramatic Representations Of Islam In Early Modern Englandmentioning
Recent research in the field of early modern representations of the Islamic world has shown that the conceptions of Self and Other in the early modern period were more ambiguous and fluid than in later Orientalist discourse. This article seeks to place Fulke Greville's tragedy Mustapha (published in 1609 and in 1633 in different versions) in the context of critical discussions about English representations of Muslims and the Islamic world during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and shows that it contributes to the great variety of portrayals of Muslims in early modern English drama. Jonathan Burton has commented on the tragedy's expression of religious and political tolerance and has explained it mainly as an 'accident of the story' (Burton, Traffic and Turning 193). This article probes into this 'accident of the story' and explores the source material, which was available to Greville. It demonstrates that Greville's nuanced portrayal of Muslims is the outcome of his creative appropriation of his sources and of contemporary representations of Muslims and the Ottoman Empire, especially of its practices of power. In the following, Mustapha is not discussed primarily with regard to its representation of morally depraved or admirable Muslims because these categories over-simplify the varied portrayal of Muslims in early modern English drama in general. Instead, this article shows that the significance of Greville's appropriation of his source material for the tragedy as a whole lies in his discussion of the political and philosophical implications of an event in Ottoman history. The following analysis seeks to demonstrate that this discussion resists aesthetic as well as political closure.
“… Other modern critics emphasize also the importance of reading English Renaissance drama during the precolonial era of England through the complex relations of trade, military alliance, and cultural confrontations away from the Saidian “Self” versus “Other” dichotomy (see Andrea & McJannet, 2011, 2; Barbour, 2003, 3; Burton, 2005, 12; Kolb, 2009, 205; MacLean, 2005, 7; Matar, 1999, 10; McJannet, 2009, 187; Robinson, 2007, 25; Vitkus, 2003, 11). …”
Nicholas Rowe's Tamerlane (1701) dramatizes the nuanced and complex relations of England during the Glorious Revolution with the Turkish Empire, recalling William III's efforts in mediating the Treaty of Karlowitz in 1699 as a permanent peace between the Turks and the Holy League in order to end Louis XIV's imperial gains from the Turkish wars. Axalla's incarnation of the English ambassador, Lord Paget (1637–1713), indicates Rowe's play as a celebration of English diplomacy with the Porte. Notwithstanding modern scholars interpreting the character of Bajazet as a historical parallel with Louis XIV, it is worth noting that he also connotes Sultan Mustapha II (1664–1703), who endeavored to restore ancient Turkish conquests by fighting in the wars in person. The circulation of the trope of “the most Christian Turk” during the Glorious Revolution as a designation of Louis XIV reflects the Turkish–French military alliance against which Rowe's play stands out. Moreover, Tamerlane keeps shifting the parallel between, on the one hand, William III, as noted by Rowe, and, on the other, as a revisionist, peaceful Muslim. Tamerlane appropriates several verses that call for peace from the Qur'an, which was translated by Alexander Ross as The Alcoran of Mahomet in 1649.
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