Abstract:Recently Marhuenda and Ortuno-Ortin (1995) have provided a popular support for progressivity theorem that says that a marginal progressive tax always defeats a marginal regressive tax as long as individuals vote for the tax scheme minimizing their tax liabilities and the median income is less than the mean income. In this paper we provide, under similar circumstances, a popular support for regressivity theorem according to which more marginal regressivity (or less marginal progressivity) can always defeat any… Show more
“…This tax reform is supported by a coalition of the rich and the poor as a way to shift the burden of taxation towards the middle income group. Put together, these two results imply inevitable voting cycles between progressive and regressive taxes 12 along which majority coalitions of the poor and the middle class alternate with majority coalitions of the poor and the rich. 13 Allowing for endogenous income, and thus distortionary taxation, does not alleviate the existence problem of a Condorcet winner.…”
Section: Voting Over Quadratic Tax Schemesmentioning
confidence: 88%
“…The conditions they obtain seem unsurprisingly very restrictive. 15 12 Notice that it is not possible to follow Gans and Smart (1996) in restricting our analysis to a family of non-linear tax schedules that cross only once so as to reduce the multi-dimensional tax schedules into a one-dimensional index of progressivity (see also Berliant and Gouveia, 1994). Indeed, doing so would create a bias in favor of progressivity and the middle-class since a coalition of the rich and poor can only form in our model by proposing a tax schedule crossing twice from below the existing one.…”
Section: Voting Over Quadratic Tax Schemesmentioning
This paper studies majority voting over quadratic taxation and investigates under which conditions marginal progressivity emerges as a voting outcome. In our model with endogenous income, there is no majority (Condorcet) winning tax schedule. We then investigate less demanding political equilibrium concepts in order to see under which conditions the set of equilibria is composed only of progressive tax functions. We follow three strategies: (i) reduction of the policy space to the tax functions that are ideal for some voter; (ii) elimination of weakly dominated strategies and use of mixed strategies in a standard Downsian two-party competition game; (iii) assumption that political parties interact repeatedly and care about the size of their majority. Although each approach captures a different aspect of political behavior, all point to the same (simulation-based) conclusion that progressivity is more likely to emerge for most distributions of abilities and that it is actually the only possible voting outcome if the distribution is sufficiently concentrated around the middle.
JEL classification: D72
“…This tax reform is supported by a coalition of the rich and the poor as a way to shift the burden of taxation towards the middle income group. Put together, these two results imply inevitable voting cycles between progressive and regressive taxes 12 along which majority coalitions of the poor and the middle class alternate with majority coalitions of the poor and the rich. 13 Allowing for endogenous income, and thus distortionary taxation, does not alleviate the existence problem of a Condorcet winner.…”
Section: Voting Over Quadratic Tax Schemesmentioning
confidence: 88%
“…The conditions they obtain seem unsurprisingly very restrictive. 15 12 Notice that it is not possible to follow Gans and Smart (1996) in restricting our analysis to a family of non-linear tax schedules that cross only once so as to reduce the multi-dimensional tax schedules into a one-dimensional index of progressivity (see also Berliant and Gouveia, 1994). Indeed, doing so would create a bias in favor of progressivity and the middle-class since a coalition of the rich and poor can only form in our model by proposing a tax schedule crossing twice from below the existing one.…”
Section: Voting Over Quadratic Tax Schemesmentioning
This paper studies majority voting over quadratic taxation and investigates under which conditions marginal progressivity emerges as a voting outcome. In our model with endogenous income, there is no majority (Condorcet) winning tax schedule. We then investigate less demanding political equilibrium concepts in order to see under which conditions the set of equilibria is composed only of progressive tax functions. We follow three strategies: (i) reduction of the policy space to the tax functions that are ideal for some voter; (ii) elimination of weakly dominated strategies and use of mixed strategies in a standard Downsian two-party competition game; (iii) assumption that political parties interact repeatedly and care about the size of their majority. Although each approach captures a different aspect of political behavior, all point to the same (simulation-based) conclusion that progressivity is more likely to emerge for most distributions of abilities and that it is actually the only possible voting outcome if the distribution is sufficiently concentrated around the middle.
JEL classification: D72
“…21 The set E (d,r) contains those admissible tax policies that tax more populous groups only if less numerous groups have been taxed to the fullest extent. Define…”
We explore the consequences of electoral competition for nonlinear income taxation. Our model is a dynamic version of the standard two-party electoral competition model adapted to nonlinear income taxation. The theory has a number of desirable features. First, equilibria always exist, even though the set of admissible tax policies is multidimensional. Second, the Nash set can be characterized generically, and its components give sharp predictions. Third, the features of equilibrium tax policies depend only on empirically meaningful fundamentals.Equilibrium tax schedules benefit the more numerous income groups and place the burden of taxation on income groups with fewer voters. For empirical income distributions, the features of an equilibrium tax schedule are reminiscent of Director's law of public income redistribution (Stigler [39]).
“…A very important mathematical difficulty related to this view is that the existence of a Condorcet majority winner is not guaranteed, since the policy space of tax schedules is usually multidimensional (see for example Hindriks [7], Grandmont [8], Marhuenda and Ortuño-Ortin [6], Carbonell and Ok [9]). …”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…However, most of the literature imposes some fairness principles to the tax schedules, i.e., a tax is increasing with the revenues in such a way that it does not change the post-tax income ranking (see Marhuenda and Ortuño-Ortin [5], Roemer [11], Hindriks [7], Carbonell and Klor [12], De Donder and Hindriks [10], Carbonell and Ok [9]). Moreover, a tax is not necessarily purely redistributive (Marhuenda and Ortuño-Ortin [5], Carbonell and Ok [9]).…”
For models of majority voting over fixed-income taxations, we mathematically define the concept of least core. We provide a sufficient condition on the policy space such that the least core is not empty. In particular, we show that the least core is not empty for the framework of quadratic taxation, respectively piecewise linear tax schedules. For fixed-income quadratic taxation environments with no Condorcet winner, we prove that for sufficiently right-skewed income distribution functions, the least core contains only taxes with marginal-rate progressivity.
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