Is grammar dependence real? A comparison between cophonological and indexed constraint approaches to morphologically conditioned phonology

Inkelas, Sharon; Zoll, Cheryl

doi:10.1515/ling.2007.004

Cited by 139 publications

(110 citation statements)

References 2 publications

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“…On the other hand, recent loans would be sensitive to F A , and hence be subjected only to the templatic requirements of one markedness constraint, M 1 . (Notice that this is different from a theory of cophonologies, as there is still only one phonology in the language; see Inkelas and Zoll, 2007 for a comparison between the two formalisms. )…”

Section: Soft Constraints Which Cannot Be Formalized In Otmentioning

confidence: 91%

Selective lexicon optimization

Oostendorp¹

2014

Lingua

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Phonological generalizations that are not absolute, but rather statistic, are a traditional problem for formal phonological theory. This paper gives an example of such a phenomenon and then proposes how such a skewed lexical distribution can be understood in terms of language learning in optimality theory. If lexicon optimization is extended minimally so as to incorporate the fact that the learner is confronted with (random, phonetic) variation, individual words may change, in order to start satisfying lower ranked markedness constraints. If sufficient words have undergone such a change, this may eventually lead to constraint reranking and therefore grammatical change.

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Section: Soft Constraints Which Cannot Be Formalized In Otmentioning

confidence: 91%

Selective lexicon optimization

Oostendorp¹

2014

Lingua

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“…Fukazawa et al 1998;Inkelas & Zoll 2007;Pater 2009). For example, across nearly all of the base and lexical class-specific grammars in Mende, *TROUGH is ranked fairly highly with respect to the other constraints in the system.…”

Section: Implications and Conclusionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…verbs, with adjectives somewhere in between; Smith 2011). The second type of approach to lexical class specific phonology allows each lexical class to have its own completely independent phonological profile, without a priori restrictions or specifications on the structure of the grammar (Anttila 2002;Inkelas & Zoll 2007;Pater 2009;Becker & Gouskova, to appear; see also Itô & Mester 1995b). * For discussion on various portions of this work, we thank Laura MacPherson, Brian Smith, Alan Yu, Kie Zuraw, and audiences at UC Berkeley, UC San Diego, CLS 2015, andAMP 2015. 2…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Morphologically-conditioned tonotactics in multilevel Maximum Entropy grammar

Shih

Inkelas

2016

AMP

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This paper presents a novel approach to probabilistic morphologically-conditioned tonotactics, featuring a case study of Mende, in which tonotactics vary by lexical category. This variation in surface tone patterns is modeled via indexed weight adjustments (i.e., varying slopes) for each constraint in a Maximum Entropy Harmonic Grammar, quantifying the degree to which each lexical class follows basic tonotactic principles in a common base grammar. Approaching morphologically-conditioned phonotactics as indexed weight adjustments of a base grammar offers a solution to the existing stalemate between single grammar (e.g., indexed constraints) and multiple grammar (e.g., Stratal OT; cophonologies) models of lexically-sensitive phonological patterns.

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“…When, in the course of learning, a ranking contradiction occurs, a constraint is chosen to be "cloned", or split into two differently-ranked versions that apply to different sets of words. This approach belongs to a family of frameworks in which lexical items are indexed either to particular constraints or to constraint rankings: see Inkelas et al (1997); Inkelas and Zoll (2007); Itô andMester (1995, 1999);andAnttila (1997, 2002), among others. (21) and (22)) could lead to the creation of two *[m constraints, one ranked high and indexed to /búhaj/, one ranked low and indexed to /balík/.…”

Section: Other Models Of Lexical Variationmentioning

confidence: 99%

A model of lexical variation and the grammar with application to Tagalog nasal substitution

Zuraw

2010

Nat Lang Linguist Theory

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This paper presents a case of patterned exceptionality. The case is Tagalog nasal substitution, a phenomenon in which a prefix-final nasal fuses with a steminitial obstruent. The rule is variable on a word-by-word basis, but its distribution is phonologically patterned, as shown through dictionary and corpus data. Speakers appear to have implicit knowledge of the patterning, as shown through experimental data and loan adaptation. A grammar is proposed that reconciles the primacy of lexical information with regularities in the distribution of the rule. Morphologically complex words are allowed to have their own lexical entries, whose use is preferred to on-the-fly morphological concatenation. The grammar contains lowerranked markedness constraints that govern the behavior of novel words. Faithfulness for lexicalized full words is ranked high, so that an established word will have a stable pronunciation. But when a word is newly coined through affixation, the outcome varies according the lexical trends. A crucial aspect of the proposal is that the ranking of the "subterranean" markedness constraints can be learned despite training data in which all words are pronounced faithfully, using Boersma's (1997Boersma's ( , 1998 Gradual learning algorithm. The paper also shows, by summarizing the rule's behavior in related languages, that the same constraints, in different rankings, seem to be at work even in languages reported to lack variation.

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Is grammar dependence real? A comparison between cophonological and indexed constraint approaches to morphologically conditioned phonology

Cited by 139 publications

References 2 publications

Selective lexicon optimization

Selective lexicon optimization

Morphologically-conditioned tonotactics in multilevel Maximum Entropy grammar

A model of lexical variation and the grammar with application to Tagalog nasal substitution

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