Irreversibly Different. A Country Study of Constitutional Asymmetry in Italy

Palermo, Francesco; Valdesalici, Alice

doi:10.1007/978-3-030-11701-6_11

Cited by 13 publications

(3 citation statements)

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“…The special statute regions have more autonomy. The main reasons for this constitutional asymmetry in favour of the special statute regions are the presence of significant ethnocultural minorities, a special political system, and a historical tradition of self-government and administrative capacity ( Palermo and Valdesalici, 2019 ). On studying the variation in voter turnout in regional elections of some OECD countries, Henderson and McEwen, 2010 , Henderson and McEwen, 2014 found that the degree of political autonomy and the strength of the electorate’s attachment to the region have a strong and positive impact on voter turnout.…”

Section: The Effects Of Covid-19 On Political Attitudesmentioning

confidence: 99%

The COVID-19 pandemic’s effects on voter turnout

Picchio

Santolini

2022

European Journal of Political Economy

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The COVID-19 pandemic has increased the risk of participating in public events, among them elections. We assess whether the voter turnout in the 2020 local government elections in Italy was affected by the COVID-19 pandemic. We do so by exploiting the variation among municipalities in the intensity of the COVID-19 outbreak as measured by the mortality rate among the elderly. We find that a 1 percentage point increase in the elderly mortality rate decreased the voter turnout by 0.5 percentage points, with no gender differences in the behavioural response. The effect was especially strong in densely populated municipalities. We do not detect statistically significant differences in voter turnout among different levels of autonomy from the central government.

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Section: The Effects Of Covid-19 On Political Attitudesmentioning

confidence: 99%

The COVID-19 pandemic’s effects on voter turnout

Picchio

Santolini

2022

European Journal of Political Economy

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“…The Italian health system is considered one of the most decentralized in Europe, along with the systems of Austria and Spain (European Committee of the Regions, 2017), and it is quite similar, in health policy, to a federal state (OECD, 2019). Thus, all the sub-national units (19 regions and 2 autonomous provinces) enjoy significant autonomy in designing the organization and the delivery of their healthcare systems (Palermo & Valdesalici, 2019;Terlizzi, 2019). This organizational and policy autonomy has led to a significant variety in the design of regional healthcare systems (Nuti et al, 2016) that is completely beyond the control of the state.…”

Section: Italian Health Systemmentioning

confidence: 99%

Decentralization, policy capacities, and varieties of first health response to the COVID-19 outbreak: evidence from three regions in Italy

Capano

Lippi

2021

Journal of European Public Policy

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Effective response to a pandemic depends not only on national dynamics and characteristics but also on the features of a country's political and administrative decentralization and on the organizational capacities of the health system. As a result, different policy capacities can be present in the same national health system, and this variance allows us to understand local policy actions and their outcomes. Based on this assumption, this paper compares the process and the content of the initial policy response in three Italian regions (Lombardy, Veneto, and Emilia-Romagna). These three regions simultaneously experienced the most intense diffusion of infections and adopted very different strategies to mitigate the transmission of the virus. Our comparison reveals how the characteristics of Italy's decentralized health system and the consequent differentiation in terms of health policy capacities have clearly driven very different regional first health policy responses and outcomes with regard to dealing with the spread of COVID-19.

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“…The special regime regions have more autonomy, which is the result of bilateral negotiations with the central authority. The main reasons for this constitutional asymmetry in favour of the special regime regions are the presence of significant ethnocultural minorities, a special political system, and a historical tradition of self-government and administrative capacity (Palermo and Valdesalici, 2019). Thus, one may wonder whether, given these differences, the responsiveness of electoral participation to an external shock, like the COVID-19 outbreak, could be more rigid if voting is a way to affirm the autonomy of the cultural minorities.…”

Section: Heterogeneity Analysismentioning

confidence: 99%