Iran's Conservative Revival

Baktiari, Bahman

doi:10.1525/curh.2007.106.696.11

“…The combination of pragmatic interests (namely the need to survive in the face of external threats) and the feeling of national pride gives much impetus for Iran to persistently develop its nuclear technology (Baktiari, 2007). Despite its divided society, many Iranian people supported their government with regard to their country's nuclear issues (Bahgat, 2007).…”

Section: The Development Of the Iranian Nuclear Programmementioning

confidence: 99%

“…Ahmadinejad's rise to power in 2005 was portrayed by the world as the rise of Iran's hardline assertiveness (Baktiari, 2007). It was anticipated that this would increase the difficulty of negotiations between Iran and the EU3.…”

Section: The Iranian Nuclear Issue In the Unscmentioning

confidence: 99%

The role of Islam in Indonesia's contemporary foreign policy

Anshori¹

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<p>This study aims to investigate the extent to which Islam influences Indonesian foreign policy in the post-Suharto era. Specifically, this research intends to examine under what circumstances the influence of Islam on Indonesian foreign policy will be substantial and under what conditions it will have less of an effect. Focusing on the era of the administration of President Yudhoyono, the issues covered in this study embrace Indonesia’s policies towards Iran’s nuclear programme, Kosovo’s independence and Palestinian statehood. This study puts emphasis on the interplay between Muslim groups and the government in relation to the conduct of the country’s foreign policy. As interest groups, Muslim groups in Indonesia have had significant concerns about Muslim issues in both Indonesia’s domestic affairs and in its foreign policy. In general, this study argues that there has been an increased role for Islam in Indonesia’s post-Suharto foreign policy. Islamic elements and Muslim groups’ aspirations have been increasingly included and accommodated in the country’s foreign policy. These accommodations are made to the extent that the aspirations these views reflect do not contradict fundamentally with Pancasila as state philosophy, the 1945 constitution and the country’s vital national interests, mainly those related to territorial integrity. Specifically, the case of the Iranian nuclear programme has showed that the government ‘bowed’ to the Muslim groups’ pressures which were backed by the parliament. The government changed its position from supporting UNSC resolution 1747 on sanctions against Iran to abstaining on the similar resolution no. 1803. In this regard, the influence of Muslim groups on the country’s foreign policy was important and substantial as Muslim groups’ interests and members of parliament’s interests did converge against the government’s policy on that matter. The Kosovo case has demonstrated an opposite effect. The government apparently firmed up its non-recognition of Kosovo’s independence and disregarded Muslim groups’ aspirations. Muslim groups’ aspiration to recognise Kosovo’s independence is perceived to contradict the most vital of the country’s national interest, namely national integrity. Finally, the case of Palestinian statehood has showed that the Indonesian government’s policy and Muslim groups’ aspirations have been aligned (unlike their differences over Iran) with a similar voice being presented.</p>

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“…The combination of pragmatic interests (namely the need to survive in the face of external threats) and the feeling of national pride gives much impetus for Iran to persistently develop its nuclear technology (Baktiari, 2007). Despite its divided society, many Iranian people supported their government with regard to their country's nuclear issues (Bahgat, 2007).…”

Section: The Development Of the Iranian Nuclear Programmementioning

confidence: 99%

“…Ahmadinejad's rise to power in 2005 was portrayed by the world as the rise of Iran's hardline assertiveness (Baktiari, 2007). It was anticipated that this would increase the difficulty of negotiations between Iran and the EU3.…”

Section: The Iranian Nuclear Issue In the Unscmentioning

confidence: 99%

The role of Islam in Indonesia's contemporary foreign policy

Anshori¹

1

0

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

<p>This study aims to investigate the extent to which Islam influences Indonesian foreign policy in the post-Suharto era. Specifically, this research intends to examine under what circumstances the influence of Islam on Indonesian foreign policy will be substantial and under what conditions it will have less of an effect. Focusing on the era of the administration of President Yudhoyono, the issues covered in this study embrace Indonesia’s policies towards Iran’s nuclear programme, Kosovo’s independence and Palestinian statehood. This study puts emphasis on the interplay between Muslim groups and the government in relation to the conduct of the country’s foreign policy. As interest groups, Muslim groups in Indonesia have had significant concerns about Muslim issues in both Indonesia’s domestic affairs and in its foreign policy. In general, this study argues that there has been an increased role for Islam in Indonesia’s post-Suharto foreign policy. Islamic elements and Muslim groups’ aspirations have been increasingly included and accommodated in the country’s foreign policy. These accommodations are made to the extent that the aspirations these views reflect do not contradict fundamentally with Pancasila as state philosophy, the 1945 constitution and the country’s vital national interests, mainly those related to territorial integrity. Specifically, the case of the Iranian nuclear programme has showed that the government ‘bowed’ to the Muslim groups’ pressures which were backed by the parliament. The government changed its position from supporting UNSC resolution 1747 on sanctions against Iran to abstaining on the similar resolution no. 1803. In this regard, the influence of Muslim groups on the country’s foreign policy was important and substantial as Muslim groups’ interests and members of parliament’s interests did converge against the government’s policy on that matter. The Kosovo case has demonstrated an opposite effect. The government apparently firmed up its non-recognition of Kosovo’s independence and disregarded Muslim groups’ aspirations. Muslim groups’ aspiration to recognise Kosovo’s independence is perceived to contradict the most vital of the country’s national interest, namely national integrity. Finally, the case of Palestinian statehood has showed that the Indonesian government’s policy and Muslim groups’ aspirations have been aligned (unlike their differences over Iran) with a similar voice being presented.</p>

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