Introduction: Contemporary Counter-Movements in the Age of Brexit and Trump

Roth, Silke

doi:10.1177/1360780418768828

Cited by 30 publications

(28 citation statements)

References 60 publications

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“…Authors addressing the consequences of Brexit have focused on the potential damage to national prosperity and the future likelihood of greater socio-cultural polarisation (Dagnis et al, 2016;Guldi, 2017;Morgan, 2017;Oliver, 2017), while a smaller number of commentators have emphasised the opportunities that Brexit has provided for future leftist activism and social movements (e.g. Roth, 2018;Ishkanian, 2019).…”

Section: Introduction: Interpreting Brexitmentioning

confidence: 99%

From eating cake to crashing out: constructing the myth of a no-deal Brexit

Kettell

Kerr

2019

Comp Eur Polit

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This article traces the emergence and development of claims that the 2016 referendum on the UK's membership of the European Union delivered a mandate for a so-called 'no deal' Brexit. Utilising Lacanian ideas about group mobilisation combined with a detailed content analysis and evidence drawn from polling data, it shows that this no deal narrative should be viewed as a discursive project that was constructed by a section of Leave campaigners relatively late into the Brexit process amidst growing disillusionment with the direction that negotiations with the EU were taking. By emphasising the role of Brexit as an 'empty signifier' the article shows that Brexit was initially successful in mobilising and uniting a disparate, but often unconnected, range of discontent to its cause. However, over time the complexities of the Brexit process triggered a discursive 'war of position' as competing visions of Brexit attempted to vie for dominance amongst the Leave camp. It is within this context that the myth of no deal emerged as an attempt by an elite group of actors to re-mobilise support for their cause.

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Section: Introduction: Interpreting Brexitmentioning

confidence: 99%

From eating cake to crashing out: constructing the myth of a no-deal Brexit

Kettell

Kerr

2019

Comp Eur Polit

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“…In the United States, the restoration of the classic liberal democracies built on brotherhoods also implies a defense of the white supremacy that defined the boundaries of the national family. In European and other democracies where brotherhood implied a male-led expansion of the welfare state, the defense of the borders that limited welfare provision to an ethnically defined nation also connects the democratic with the demographic challenge (Roth 2018). The historical construction of governance in the demos as masculine and sex/family as women's responsibility has made gender crucial in many countries to specific debates about reproductive policy issues, responses to the greater representation of women in political leadership, and reactions to masculinized political performances.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Reproduction as both a biological and social process rests on sex/gender as a system (Connell 2002;Yuval-Davis 1997). The politics of reproduction generates both divisions and solidarity by gender identity, sexuality, class, race, nation, and age (Ferber 1997;Roth 2018). In the United States, the political parties not only divide sharply in their relationship to this new partnership model but also in their willingness to embrace diversity of representation as better realizing the values of human rights and social justice latent in liberal democracy (Viebeck 2018).…”

Section: Gender As Both Intersectional Glue and Political Focusmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Crisis of Masculinity for Gendered Democracies: Before, During, and After Trump

Ferree

2020

Sociological Forum

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The mobilized masculinity of democracies today is often presented as either a natural way for men to respond to the economic and political challenges of globalization or as a return to the patriarchal style of politics of the past. This article argues instead for an understanding of liberal democracy itself as gendered, being the collective masculinity of brotherhoods representing rivalrous nations. The first great transition from patriarchies and monarchies to brotherhoods and democracies is not being unmade now but facing a second transition to a different understanding of gender and power. This normative rise of a partnership model in families and politics is incomplete and highly contested everywhere. In the United States, it has become a partisan conflict expressed in gender terms. The Republican defense of the brotherhood state and its exclusive version of national good is countered by a newer but increasingly institutionalized vision of democracies as representing women and men equally. By more explicitly demasculinizing family headship and political leadership, social justice movements and the Democratic Party symbolically resist the restoration of gender norms privileging breadwinners and brotherhoods.

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“…We only analyse anti-austerity movements from the left (cf. Della Porta, 2015) even though we acknowledge that right-wing populist movements also represent a significant response to neoliberalism and austerity (Roth, 2018). Although we lack data for comparison, we suspect that the gender dynamics of anti-austerity movements from the left differ from those of right-wing populist movements.…”

Section: Introduction and Overviewmentioning

confidence: 93%

Do gender regimes matter? Gender differences in involvement in anti-austerity protests - a comparison of Spain, Sweden and the United Kingdom

Roth

Saunders

2019

Social Movement Studies

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Responses to the Great Recession are varied across welfare states and gendered in their consequences. Combining gender, social policy and social movement scholarship, this paper investigates how the differential policy responses to the Financial Crisis in three European countries shaped gender-differences in antiausterity demonstrations. We compare the involvement and characteristics of women and men in anti-austerity protests using data collected at street demonstrations (2010-2012). We conduct crossnational multi-level analysis of demonstrators from countries representing different gender regimes (Spain, Sweden and the United Kingdom). Our results show that gender regimes have a significant impact on women's and men's involvement in anti-austerity protests. We thus make an important contribution to research on gender differences in participation in anti-austerity demonstrations post-Great Recession. Our comparison of women's and men's participation in anti-austerity street demonstrations suggests that at the country or regime level resources matter more than grievances, but that grievances matter at the individual level. This innovative paper links scholarship on gender regimes with research on protest participation. Resources and experiences of grievances are shaped by gender regimes which provide access to decision-making and social support. We reveal novel insights into the connection between gender regimes and demonstration participation. ARTICLE HISTORY

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Introduction: Contemporary Counter-Movements in the Age of Brexit and Trump

Cited by 30 publications

References 60 publications

From eating cake to crashing out: constructing the myth of a no-deal Brexit

From eating cake to crashing out: constructing the myth of a no-deal Brexit

The Crisis of Masculinity for Gendered Democracies: Before, During, and After Trump

Do gender regimes matter? Gender differences in involvement in anti-austerity protests - a comparison of Spain, Sweden and the United Kingdom

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