Abstract:This introduction seeks to outline a contemporary anthropological approach to crime and criminalization, an “anthropological criminology 2.0.” This anthropological criminology distances the subfield from its social Darwinist connotations and instead etches itself clearly onto a social and political anthropological tradition. In doing so, the introduction moves from Malinowski’s initial functionalist and localist approach to present-day political and global orientations. It offers five distinct propositions for… Show more
“…In fact, when literature on gangs addresses their economic dimensions, the focus often lies on their legal/illegal facets (Rodgers 2022), exploring, for instance, the monetary profits and business models that surround the trade of illegal "flagship" goods such as weapons, stolen items, and drugs (for instance , Padilla 1992;Bourgois 1995;Levitt and Venkatesh 2000). Such a criminogenic approach to gang economies blurs the quotidian activities that make up a great part of their organizational life (Sausdal and Vigh 2019), which cannot be reduced to their illegal activities. Indeed, I choose instead to dig into the solidarity mechanisms that are classically conceived as being central to the everyday lives of gangs (for instance, Thrasher 1927: 57;Jansyn 1966), but that are rarely unpacked in their economic dimensions.…”
The term “solidarity economy” is most commonly deployed to describe altruistic and socially beneficial ways of doing business, often in opposition to ones that are less so. Drawing on a year and a half of ethnographic fieldwork among Danish minority gangs, this article seeks to open the discussion on solidarity economies beyond these traditional understandings by adding the perspective of gangs. It explores the more exclusive and violent aspects of solidarity economies, drawing on the analytical lenses of reciprocity and pooling. These dimensions afford the tracing of the conditions of solidarity within that group, rather than the mere verification of its absence or presence. I conclude that (A) solidarity economies are empirically multiple, operating on different and (a)synchronous planes as well as expressing themselves in different types; (B) solidarity is analytically beneficial for reading for economic difference; and lastly that (C) in this context, solidarity economies are inhabited as sites of struggle between two opposite, but specular forms of cultural fundamentalism.
“…In fact, when literature on gangs addresses their economic dimensions, the focus often lies on their legal/illegal facets (Rodgers 2022), exploring, for instance, the monetary profits and business models that surround the trade of illegal "flagship" goods such as weapons, stolen items, and drugs (for instance , Padilla 1992;Bourgois 1995;Levitt and Venkatesh 2000). Such a criminogenic approach to gang economies blurs the quotidian activities that make up a great part of their organizational life (Sausdal and Vigh 2019), which cannot be reduced to their illegal activities. Indeed, I choose instead to dig into the solidarity mechanisms that are classically conceived as being central to the everyday lives of gangs (for instance, Thrasher 1927: 57;Jansyn 1966), but that are rarely unpacked in their economic dimensions.…”
The term “solidarity economy” is most commonly deployed to describe altruistic and socially beneficial ways of doing business, often in opposition to ones that are less so. Drawing on a year and a half of ethnographic fieldwork among Danish minority gangs, this article seeks to open the discussion on solidarity economies beyond these traditional understandings by adding the perspective of gangs. It explores the more exclusive and violent aspects of solidarity economies, drawing on the analytical lenses of reciprocity and pooling. These dimensions afford the tracing of the conditions of solidarity within that group, rather than the mere verification of its absence or presence. I conclude that (A) solidarity economies are empirically multiple, operating on different and (a)synchronous planes as well as expressing themselves in different types; (B) solidarity is analytically beneficial for reading for economic difference; and lastly that (C) in this context, solidarity economies are inhabited as sites of struggle between two opposite, but specular forms of cultural fundamentalism.
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