Intra-EU Labour Migration and Support for the Norwegian Welfare State

Cappelen, Cornelius; Midtbø, Tor

doi:10.1093/esr/jcw025

Cited by 29 publications

(31 citation statements)

References 55 publications

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“…A large literature on welfare attitudes shows that many people view non‐natives as less deserving of benefits than natives (van Oorschot ; van der Waal et al . , ; Cappelen and Midtbø ; Hjorth ). The influx of immigrants has thus made welfare states in Europe and elsewhere vulnerable to welfare chauvinistic arguments.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Recently, survey experiments have provided more evidence for welfare chauvinistic attitudes. Cappelen and Midtbø (), for instance, find strong welfare chauvinism in a sample of Norwegian respondents. Similarly, Hjorth () demonstrates that Swedish voters display lower support for cross‐border welfare rights for culturally distant migrants (Bulgarians) than for culturally similar ones (Dutch).…”

Section: Theoretical Frameworkmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Welfare Chauvinism in Populist Radical Right Platforms: The Role of Redistributive Justice Principles

Ennser‐Jedenastik

2017

Soc Policy Adm

127

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Welfare chauvinism has become an important element in the agenda of the populist radical right. This article proposes a novel argument to explain variation in the strength of welfare chauvinist appeals across social policy programmes. It theorizes that the redistributive justice principles (equity, equality, and need) that underpin a social programme matter. Equality-and need-based programmes are more likely to contradict a nativist worldview in principle or practice, whereas equity-based schemes are less vulnerable to welfare chauvinistic appeals. As a consequence, welfare chauvinism should be targeted at social policies that provide universal or means-tested benefits. Insurance-based systems are more likely to be immune. This argument is tested through a qualitative content analysis of populist radical right election manifestos in four West European democracies. The results show that insurance-based systems (pensions, unemployment) are less likely to attract welfare chauvinism, whereas universal healthcare and means-tested social assistance programmes are more prone to draw nativist appeals. Universal family allowances, however, are less likely to attract welfare chauvinism than predicted by the theory.

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Theoretical Frameworkmentioning

confidence: 99%

Welfare Chauvinism in Populist Radical Right Platforms: The Role of Redistributive Justice Principles

Ennser‐Jedenastik

2017

Soc Policy Adm

127

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“…A core assumption underlying welfare chauvinism is the belief that immigrants are "free-riders" who receive social benefits without having contributed adequately to this publicly funded club good. The tendency to differentiate social rights according to nationality and ethnicity has been demonstrated in several survey experiments [11,12,19]. A closer look, however, reveals that welfare preferences regarding non-natives are more complex and should be more appropriately viewed as a continuum that ranges from (unconditional) inclusion to total exclusion [13,20].…”

Section: Welfare Chauvinism: Theory and State Of The Artmentioning

confidence: 99%

Welfare Chauvinism, Economic Insecurity and the Asylum Seeker “Crisis”

2018

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Immigration has been a major trend in the last decades in Europe. However, immigrant access to the social security systems has remained a contentious issue having gained additional salience in light of the recent asylum-seeking developments. We focus on welfare chauvinism, the idea that immigrants should not participate in welfare resources, as an attitudinal dimension. We seek to answer two primary questions: To what extent are different types of objective and subjective material deprivation related to welfare chauvinism? What is the role of the recent asylum seeker influx? Using European Social Survey data and employing binary and generalized ordered logit models with country fixed effects, we find perceptions of deprivation to be more meaningful than objective factors related to potential job loss, and some relationships depend on the specific type of deprivation. On the country level, in line with the deservingness of asylum seekers as a group, higher levels of asylum seeking are related to lower levels of welfare chauvinism, while GDP per capita is not associated with welfare chauvinism. Finally, the generalized ordered logit model shows that some relationships vary according to the strictness of welfare chauvinism, which would not be visible in a conventional ordered logit model.

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“…In recent years, European scholars have paid growing attention to the phenomenon, because of expectations that citizens will increasingly turn towards welfare chauvinism as response to continuing immigration, with right-wing parties mobilising on the topic (Banting 2010;Keskinen, Norocel, and Jørgensen 2016). Public opinion surveys indeed demonstrate that substantial shares of the European population support welfare chauvinism (Bay and Pedersen 2006;van Oorschot 2006;Reeskens and van Oorschot 2012;Cappelen and Midtbø 2016;Ford and Kootstra 2017) and do not support both continued immigration and universal welfare (Kulin, Eger, and Hjerm 2016). Contra often-voiced fears that these results render immigration and universal welfare as incompatible, higher population shares of immigrants and their descendants do not seem to drive welfare chauvinistic attitudes (Mewes and Mau 2012;Reeskens and van Oorschot 2012;Cappelen and Peters 2018).…”

Section: Theoretical Background: Welfare Chauvinismmentioning

confidence: 99%