Interrogating the seriousness of African leaders: Discrepancies in adhering to international and continental initiatives

Souaré, Issaka K.

doi:10.1080/10246021003736682

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“…Such provisions were consequently either left out or phrased in legally non-binding terms (Leininger, 2014: 12; Tigroudja, 2012: 282). Moreover, the fact that five years after its adoption only fifteen member states had ratified the Charter also showed member states’ lack of enthusiasm for implementing this regional norm (AU, 2019; Matlosa, 2008: 9; Souaré, 2010). Based on this, it might reasonably be expected that the Charter amounts to nothing more than words on paper.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Other scholars, meanwhile, focus on the addressees of a particular norm. In this sense, a common measure would be the extent of ratification by AU member states and the Charter’s translation into national legal frameworks (Kane, 2008: 51–52; Matlosa, 2014: 21; Souaré, 2010) or its impact on norm-conforming behaviour by African political elites. This is measurable, for example, by the decreasing incidence of coups (prohibited by the Charter) or changes in the quality of democracy (ISS, 2018; Souaré, 2014: 85; Touray, 2016: 155).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Where Regional Norms Matter: Contestation and the Domestic Impact of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance

Witt

2019

Africa Spectrum

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Twelve years after the adoption of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, scholars and policymakers are still pondering whether the regional document has had any actual effect. Based on case studies from Madagascar and Burkina Faso, this article demonstrates the Charter’s impact on political dynamics within both countries. By analysing contestations around the application of Article 25(4), which defines who is eligible to run in transitional elections, I show that various national and international actors (attempt to) use the Charter as a legal script to limit access to state power and restrict the electorate’s voting choices. That these attempts are highly contentious is evidence of the Charter’s effect. If it were seen as irrelevant, nobody would bother to contest it. I therefore suggest studying the effects of the Charter from a different analytical angle – that is, “bottom-up” – by focusing on the settings and places in which it is actually applied.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%