International Marriages Between Eastern European‐Born Women and U.S.‐Born Men

Abstract

Globalization has increased the occurrence of “international marriages” due to expanded marriage markets resulting from increased travel and communication avenues. Although Eastern Europe is one of the top three regions of origin for marriage migrants, little is known about who chooses this type of marriage arrangement. This study describes demographic characteristics of Eastern European‐U.S. international marriages using a nationally representative sample (N = 442) from the American Community Survey, 2008–2009. Paired t test, chi‐square, and ANOVA analyses were used to assess within‐couple and between‐couple differences. Spouses in Eastern‐European‐U.S. couples were found to differ significantly by age, income, education, and number of previous marriages. Results showed that marriages between Eastern European wives and U.S. husbands differed in important ways from marriages between U.S. citizens. Findings support both status homogamy and status exchange theories of international mate selection.

Trends in Marriage Migration and the Well-Being of Southeast Asian Wives in South Korea

“…Every year, tens of thousands of women from less developed countries cross borders to marry men in more developed countries. Men in Western Europe and the US seek marriageable women from Russia and Eastern Europe (Levchenko and Solheim, 2013), and men in East Asia and Australia find prospective wives in Southeast Asian countries (Lu and Yang, 2010). The very nature of marriage migration places these women in a vulnerable position because the women lack resources, language skills, social support, and legal protection in their adopted countries.…”

Entry and Stability of Cross-National Marriages in the United States

“…The coincidence of timing of marriage and migration has been noted by several prior studies as a correlate of marriage migration (Balistreri et al, 2017;Levchenko & Solheim, 2013;Stevens et al, 2012). Specifically, Levchenko & Solheim (2013) treated those who first came to the U.S. and then married a U.S.-born native or citizen within a year as K-1 (fiancé/fiancée) visa holders, given that the K-1 visa requires its holder to get married within 90 days upon arrival to the U.S. We also acknowledge that these labelsnative marriages and marriage migrants-might be arbitrary since native marriages may include FBs who arrived in the U.S. at younger ages. Likewise, FBs who married in the year of their arrival to the U.S. did not necessarily marry in order to migrate.…”

Trading Youth for Citizenship? The Spousal Age Gap in Cross‐Border Marriages

“…These brokers do not necessarily arrange marriages but provide a venue for individuals to locate their own match across borders. Prior research suggests that US natives (predominately men) who seek international marriage partners through brokers seek partners who (they believe) hold more traditional views of marriage and family than American women in their local marriage market (e.g., Johnson ; Levchenko and Solheim ; Schaeffer ; Constable ). Somewhat ironically, many of the women seeking a partnership with a man from a Western country like the US may have expectations of a more modern and egalitarian marriage (Constable ).…”

“…; Stevens, Ishizawa, and Escandell ; Levchenko et al. ). Kalmijn () specifies whether an immigrant is paired with a white native‐born partner or a partner of the same national origin.…”

“…Studies on specific sending regions to the US using population‐based data are scant. An exception is Levchenko and Solheim (), who used ACS data to contrast East European women (e.g. from Russia, Ukraine, Poland, and Romania) who moved to the US as “marriage migrants” (defined as entering the US and marrying a non‐Hispanic white native in the same year) with US‐born non‐Hispanic white women married to non‐Hispanic white men.…”