International Integration: The European and the Universal Process

Haas, Ernst B.

doi:10.1017/s0020818300002198

Cited by 421 publications

(187 citation statements)

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“…North (1981North ( , 1990 argues that differential rates of national economic development are in large part explained by the relative effectiveness of legal systems to reduce the costs of exchange among strangers. Although they did not focus on law and courts, Haas (1958Haas ( , 1961 and Deutsch (1957) understood, somewhat differently, that sovereign states will respond to increasing levels of transnational interaction by integrating politically, that is, by creating common institutional and normative frameworks that in effect give birth to new systems of transnational governance. Haas used the term "spillover" to capture the expansive logic of integration.…”

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confidence: 99%

Constructing a Supranational Constitution: Dispute Resolution and Governance in the European Community

1998

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N o international organization in world history has attracted as much scholarly attention as the European Community (EC).l The reason is straightforward: The EC has evolved from a relatively traditional (albeit multifaceted) interstate system into a quasi-federal polity. In a word, Europe has integrated, as the linkages between politics on the EC level and politics on the national level have expanded in scope and deepened in intensity. Scholars working in diverse fields, including public law, international relations, and comparative politics, have been fascinated by the integration process, not least because of the challenge of understanding the reciprocal effect, over time, of international and domestic systems of governance.Current theoretical disagreements about how to understand European integration are largely disputes between intergovernmentalists, whose imagery is drawn from the international regime literature (Garrett 1992;Keohane and Hoffmann 1991;Moravcsik 1991Moravcsik , 1993Taylor 1983), and supranationalists, whose imagery is often federalist (Burley and Mattli 1993; Leibfried and Pierson, eds., 1995;Marks, Hooghe, and Blank 1996;Sandholtz 1993Sandholtz ,1996Sbragia 1993;Stone Sweet and Sandholtz 1997). Intergovernmentalists accord relative priority to member state governmentsrepresentatives of the national interest-who bargain with one another in EC fora to fix the terms and limits of integration. Supranationalists (especially the heirs of neofunctionalism), accord relative priority to EC institutions-representatives of the interests of a nascent transnational society-who work with public and priAlec Stone Sweet is Associate Professor and Thomas L. Brunell is a Ph.D. candidate, Department of Politics and Society, School of Social Sciences, University of California, Irvine, CA 92697-5100.The authors are grateful to the National Science Foundation, Grant No. SBR-9412531, the National Endowment for the Humanities, Grant No. FA-32480-94, the European Court of Justice, and the Robert Schuman Centre of the European University Institute for their support of this research. We also wish to thank James Caporaso, Lisa Conant, Russell Dalton, Harry Eckstein, Jonathon Golub, Bernard Grofman, Ronald Jepperson, Gary King, and Wayne Sandholtz for helpful comments.Although "European Union" is now commonly used to denote the European polity, we use "European Community" throughout. Formally, the EC remains distinct from the EU, and the EC is the most inclusive term for how the organization and its legal system function most of the time.vate actors at both the European and national levels to remove barriers to integration and to expand the domain of supranational governance. This paper is implicated in these disputes. One of our claims is that, on crucial points, the intergovernmentalists have gotten it wrong.More important, we propose a theory of European legal integration, the process by which Europe has constructed a transnational rule-of-law polity. The theory integrates, as interdependent causal factors, contrac...

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Constructing a Supranational Constitution: Dispute Resolution and Governance in the European Community

1998

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“…Liberals, conversely, argue that shifting states' authority to supranational regional institutions is possible, often desirable and observable (Hammerlund 2005). Functionalists and neofunctionalists contend that increasing interdependence tends to promote greater integration and the pooling of national sovereignty within regional institutions (see Haas 1960;Stone Sweet and Sandholtz 1997;Mattli 1999), while liberal intergovernmentalists explain states' cession of sovereignty to regional institutions in terms of self-interest (Moravcsik 1998). …”

Section: Regulatory Regionalism In Asiamentioning

confidence: 99%

Regulatory regionalism and anti-money-laundering governance in Asia

Hameiri

Jones

2014

Australian Journal of International Affairs

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With the intensification of the Financial Action Task Force's (FATF) worldwide campaign to promote anti-money laundering regulation since the late 1990s, all Asian states except North Korea have signed up to its rules and have established a regional institution -the Asia/Pacific Group on Money Laundering -to promote and oversee the implementation of FATF's 40Recommendations in the region. This paper analyses the FATF regime, making two key claims: first, anti-money laundering governance in Asia reflects a broader shift to regulatory regionalism, particularly in economic matters, in that its implementation and functioning depend upon the rescaling of ostensibly domestic agencies to function within a regional governance regime. Second, although this form of regulatory regionalism is established in order to bypass the perceived constraints of national sovereignty and political will, it nevertheless inevitably becomes entangled within the socio-political conflicts that shape the exercise of state power more broadly. Consequently, understanding the outcomes of regulatory regionalism involves identifying how these conflicts shape how far and in what manner global regulations are adopted and implemented within specific territories. This argument is demonstrated by a case study of Myanmar.

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“…A mobilidade é, nesse sentido, um veículo de transcendência das identidades nacionais na formação de um demos supranacional. As literaturas neofuncionalista (HAAS, 1961(HAAS, , 1968LINDBERG;SCHEINGOLD, 1970) e transacional (DEUTSCH et al, 1953(DEUTSCH et al, , 1957 de integração são explícitas ao tornar esse modo de sociabilidade uma oportunidade política. Nelas, a integração funcional e o movimento transfronteiriço criam oportunidades para o desenvolvimento de uma identidade política e de um terreno político europeus por meio dos quais os cidadãos podem legitimar e passar a considerar formuladores de políticas europeias.…”

Atos de cidadania europeia: uma sociologia política da mobilidade

2011

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A cidadania europeia é marcada por uma tensão entre uma cidadania derivativa do Estado-nação e uma cidadania definida pela liberdade de movimento. Abordando essa tensão como sintomática de uma profunda contradição entre integração e mobilidade que é constitutiva das formações sociais modernas, este artigo desenvolve uma sociologia política da mobilidade que desafia as considerações territoriais e culturalistas sobre a cidadania europeia. Isso é feito explorando a representação política da cidadania europeia por parte de sujeitos marginalizados, cujo engajamento em relações de troca serve como lugar para atos de cidadania europeia que "mobilizam a mobilidade". Isso é ilustrado por uma análise da Declaração dos Direitos dos Trabalhadores Sexuais na Europa, de 2005.

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International Integration: The European and the Universal Process

Cited by 421 publications

References 1 publication

Constructing a Supranational Constitution: Dispute Resolution and Governance in the European Community

Constructing a Supranational Constitution: Dispute Resolution and Governance in the European Community

Regulatory regionalism and anti-money-laundering governance in Asia

Atos de cidadania europeia: uma sociologia política da mobilidade

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