Integration of immigrants in France: a historical perspective

Abstract

This article addresses the question of integration in France. First, we introduce data on immigration, unemployment and discrimination affecting especially young French citizens of non-European descent living in poor neighbourhoods. Their experiences of these has led some of them to reject French Republican values. Has the French model of integration failed? To answer this question, we detail and analyze the historical development of this normative model and its actual policies through Durkheim's theory of integration. Durkheim showed how a society that is characterized by a certain amount of social cohesion integrates individuals and groups and how, when socio-economics or social conflicts weaken this cohesion, integration no longer works. To strengthen this hypothesis, we then examine contemporary French debates about integration and discrimination. Finally, we conclude that social inequalities in the form of urban segregation are the main reason for the failure of Republican integration.

Citizen Outsider: Children of North African Immigrants in France

“…But France has never been the uniform entity that the Republican model would suggest (Chabal 2015). For example, about 25 percent of the French population has at least one parent or grandparent who immigrated to France (from any country) (Barou 2014). More recently, according to the Institut national de la statistique et des études économiques (National Institute of Statistics and Economic Studies, or INSEE), which conducts the census, as of 2014, immigrants comprise 8.6 percent of the total French population (Brutel 2015).…”

“…Despite a long history of immigration and colonialism, France rarely acknowledges that history, invoking its Republican ideology to preserve the status quo and promote a monolithic version of French identity and history (Barou 2014;Noiriel 1996;Thomas 2007). But France has never been the uniform entity that the Republican model would suggest (Chabal 2015).…”

“…Economically they frequently performed the dirtiest and most menial tasks; legally they were disadvantaged as they were not French citizens and therefore did not have the same rights as the French; socially and geographically they were confined to areas on the outskirts of major cities" (Silverman 1992, 46). Moreover, they were treated worse than immigrants from European countries (Barou 2014). The numbers of North African immigrants continued to increase after World War II, the end of the Fourth Republic in 1958, and the Algerian War of Independence in 1962.…”

“…27 Despite portrayals of French Muslims as adopting an oppositional Muslim identity and of Islam as fundamentally incompatible with French society (Foner and Alba 2008), recent research has challenged the prevailing notion of French Muslims as completely different from other French people (Klausen 2008;Laurence and Vaisse 2006), as well as the notion of Muslim status conflicting with national belonging to France (Beaman 2016;Maxwell and Bleich 2014). 28 Identifying as Muslim does not pose a barrier to identifying as French (Barou 2014;Beaman 2016;Nyiri 2007). 29 Whether or not they actually practice Islam or identify as practicing Muslims, North African-origin individuals are often considered or identified as Muslim by others because Islam is the major religion in their parents' country of origin .…”

“…Though emigration from the Maghreb to France began as early as the early 1900s, World War I brought immigrants from these French colonies en masse to France for work (Barou 2014;Kaya 2009). 17 It was expected that these immigrants would be temporary residents (Winant 2001).…”