Institutions and Technological Development in Korea: The Role of the Presidency

Hahm, Sung Deuk; Plein, L. Christopher

doi:10.2307/421997

Cited by 22 publications

(18 citation statements)

References 13 publications

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“…Perhaps the most tangible has been the dramatic constitutional change in 1987 that limited the president's tenure to a single five‐year term. This new presidential arrangement from President Roh Tae‐woo (1988–1993) has diminished the absolute influence of the president over the bureaucracy and other social and business interests (Hahm and Plein , ) . Such a short tenure may set a political environment for frequent changes of ministers to allocate political spoils.…”

Section: Sociodemographic Characteristics Of Ministers In Koreamentioning

confidence: 99%

Exploring the Determinants of the Entry and Exit of Ministers inKorea: 1980–2008

Hahm¹,

Jung

Lee

2012

Governance

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The entry and exit of ministers has been of primary interest to students of political science and public management in Western countries. Responding to the lack of research on the entry and exit of ministers in non‐Western countries, this article examined determinants of both the entrance and exit of ministers in Korea from the life cycle point of view based on the Korean Ministerial Database from 1980 to 2008. We argued that as the Korean presidency shifts from an imperialistic to a democratic presidency, ministerial appointments in Korea also seem to shift from an expertise‐focused to a politics‐focused approach. Likewise, the primary resignation reason also shifts from policy failure to political reasons. We also argued that Korean presidents use their power to reshuffle cabinet ministers too often for their political interests. As a result, Korean ministers spend too little time in post; average tenure is now down to about one year. These short terms in office dilute a minister's ability to dictate departmental policy.

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Section: Sociodemographic Characteristics Of Ministers In Koreamentioning

confidence: 99%

Exploring the Determinants of the Entry and Exit of Ministers inKorea: 1980–2008

Hahm¹,

Jung

Lee

2012

Governance

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“…Thus the developmental states have moved to shed some of the state-led industrial organizations and practice of the past, and policymakers have been actively searching for avenues for reform. Above all, they have been compelled to shift from traditional manufacturing industries to more knowledge, service, or high-tech oriented sectors that are not as compatible with a state-led economic growth (Hahm and Plein, 1995). With the shift in global economic activities to the Asian Pacific region since the 1990s, the Korean government's strategy changed to promote high-tech industries (Chung and Kirby, 2002).…”

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confidence: 99%

Globalization, the Developmental State and the Politics of Urban Growth in Korea: A Multilevel Analysis

Bae

Sellers

2007

Int J Urban Regional Res

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“…In fact, the KYS administration's government reorganization initiatives are often checked and challenged by strong but unspoken bureaucratic resistance. This is also partly because of the current constitutional tenure limit to the president (Hahm and Plein 1995;Moon and Ingraham 1998). This presidential 5-year tenure limit appears to yield a political feature in Korea: KYS won the political and administrative reform game early in his term, and the bureaucrats won later.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Institutional Reforms and Democratization in Korea: the Case of the Kim Young Sam Administration, 1993–1998

Hahm¹,

Kim

1999

Governance

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This article examines the nature of political and institutional reform initiatives that have been carried out under former president Kim Young Sam. How effective have they been in consolidating democracy in Korea? Specifically, we examine why the Kim Young Sam government's political reform campaigns have been limited, and explore the impact of this limitation on his institutional reform initiatives and the process of consolidation of democracy in Korea. We argue that Kim Young Sam's initial political reform campaigns have contributed to creating a favorable environment for his institutional reform efforts. However, limitations of these initial political reform campaigns such as political funding and bribery scandals have hampered institutional reforms. We also argue that these difficulties were intensified by public dissatisfaction with Korea's poor economic performance and International Monetary Fund (IMF) financial assistance. As a result, Kim Young Sam's moral legitimacy as a civilian and reform‐oriented leader toward the public has totally evaporated. Therefore, experiences under the Kim Young Sam administration are just trials and errors of democratization that show another failure in presidential leadership in Korea. These experiences will negatively affect the consolidation process of democracy in Korea by increasing the public's distrust of government as a whole. As a result, democratic consolidation in Korea is being delayed.

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Institutions and Technological Development in Korea: The Role of the Presidency

Cited by 22 publications

References 13 publications

Exploring the Determinants of the Entry and Exit of Ministers inKorea: 1980–2008

Exploring the Determinants of the Entry and Exit of Ministers inKorea: 1980–2008

Globalization, the Developmental State and the Politics of Urban Growth in Korea: A Multilevel Analysis

Institutional Reforms and Democratization in Korea: the Case of the Kim Young Sam Administration, 1993–1998

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