Institutionalizing Social Movements: The Dual Strategy of the Korean Women's Movement

Abstract

Since the 1990s, scholars have paid attention to the role of social movements traversing the official terrain of politics by blending a "contention" strategy with an "engagement" strategy. The literature often highlights the contribution of institutionalized social movements to policymaking and sociopolitical change, but rarely addresses why and how specific social movement organizations gain routine access to formal politics. Using the Korean women's movement as a case study, I analyze the conditions for movement institutionalization. As I perceive it as the consequence both of social movements' decision to participate in government and of the state's desire to integrate such movements into its decision-making process, movement institutionalization appears when the three factors are combined: (1) pressure from international organizations, (2) democratizing political structures, and (3) cognitive shifts by movement activists toward the role of the state.

Institutionalization of rural social movements in the Lula government and the decline of land reform in Brazil: co-option, political identity, and agency

“…150-151). Especially when their representatives start acting as members of governments and taking positions in official administrative structures, this process has attracted the attention of many scholars (Giugni & Passy, 1998;Goldstone, 2004;Oommen, 1990;Santoro & McGuire, 1997;Suh, 2011). These works seek especially to understand the effects of this relation in two ways.…”

“…Nevertheless, recent studies have shown different paths taken by different groups and social contexts. In many countries some movements have been acting not only cooperatively with formal social institutions, but there is also a growing process of professionalization and bureaucratization of their structures (Giugni & Passy, 1998;Goldstone, 2004;Oommen, 1990;Santoro & McGuire, 1997;Suh, 2011). Consequently, the adoption of strategies of moderate action and participation in the bureaucratic apparatus of the state also subvert the basis of the traditional analysis on these movements.…”

“Cimarronaje Institucional:” Ethno‐racial Legal Status and the Subversive Institutionalization of Afrodescendant Organizations in Bolivarian Venezuela

“…For instance, Launsbury (: 94) suggests focusing on the fracture lines of institutions in order to understand the possibilities for ongoing change within these structures. Suh (: 444) proposes moving beyond an identification of institutionalization with co‐option, arguing that this structured process of movements “does not always entail the risk of de‐radicalization, de‐politization, or de‐mobilization of collective action”. This more open‐ended approach seems suitable for analyzing how Afro‐Venezuelan organizations strategically pursue institutionalization within the Venezuelan state as a response to their lack of ethnic recognition within the national constitution.…”

The consequences of social movements: taking stock and looking forward

“…This means that social movements can achieve their goals by becoming more professional, hierarchal, and cooperating closely with authorities such as political parties, international organizations, or state bureaucracies (Banaszak 2010;Costain 1981;Giugni and Passy 1998;Gusfield 1955;Meyer 2007;Ruzza 1997;Seippel 2001;Suh 2011;Zald et al 2005). For example, Staggenborg (1988) showed how the pro-choice movement in the United States created new opportunities for influencing policy change via institutionalization.…”