2016
DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.2786630
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Institutionalising Civilian Control of the Military in New Democracies: Theory and Evidence from South Korea

Abstract: Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen:Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die … Show more

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Cited by 3 publications
(2 citation statements)
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References 93 publications
(32 reference statements)
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“…The military may come out as a soft-liner in the game when it decides not to repress, while the dictator as a hardliner when he presses for punishing the protesters and is concerned about his own fate (Scharpf, 1997;Kuehn, 2016). The more the military accumulates resources and power, the more protective it gets.…”
Section: Independent Financial Resources (Mobs) As a Defection Mechanismmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The military may come out as a soft-liner in the game when it decides not to repress, while the dictator as a hardliner when he presses for punishing the protesters and is concerned about his own fate (Scharpf, 1997;Kuehn, 2016). The more the military accumulates resources and power, the more protective it gets.…”
Section: Independent Financial Resources (Mobs) As a Defection Mechanismmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The above implies that there is a need for developing mechanisms to fulfill the commitments. Using educational measures to address the problems related to establishing cooperation between civilian institutions and the military to allow the former to control the activity of the armed forces has been proven to be a feasible option (Kuehn, 2016;Tagarev, 1997). Although there is literature on the evolution of civilian control and civil-military relations in post-soviet Western European and Middle East countries, the Ukrainian case is underrepresented in research (Demir & Bingöl, 2020;Kuehn et al, 2017).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%